Ephemeral Left

Oral History Network Ireland Conference Programme

2011-08-06T15:57:00.000+01:00

For those who are interested in attending the Oral History Network conference in September (mentioned here previously), I have provided the programme of the conference. E-mail the organisers to get your place if you would like to attend.

OHNI CONFERENCE

Venue: Parade Tower, Kilkenny Castle, Kilkenny
Showcase of Oral History projects in Duchess Room throughout conference

§ Conference Proceedings:

Friday 16 September

1.00 – 2.00 pm Registration

2.00 – 3.30 pm Workshop: Doing Oral History

Tomas MacConmara and Catherine O’Connor

3.30 – 3.40 pm Coffee

3.40 – 5.00 pm Workshop: Using Oral History for Research Purposes

Mary Muldowney and Alistair Thomson

Conference participants free from 5 to 6.30 to enjoy Oral History Showcase

6.30 pm Wine Reception

7.00 pm Keynote Address: Alistair Thomson

8.30 pm Conference Dinner

Saturday 17 September

9.00 – 10.00 am Registration

10.00 – 10.30 Welcome and Opening Address: Why a Network?

Regina Fitzpatrick

10.30 – 12.30 Documenting Orality and Memory

This session will examine the practice, status and financing of oral history in Ireland at the present time. It will include discussion of oral history in academia and in the community.

Chair: Cliona O’Carroll

Opening Remarks: Alistair Thomson

Panellists: Mike Cronin, Marie Mannion, Maura Cronin, Mary O’Driscoll

12.30 – 2.00 Lunch and time to enjoy Oral History Showcase and Kilkenny Castle

2.00 – 4.00 The Archives

This session will focus on the essential and urgent issue of the archiving of oral history collected in Ireland

Chair: Eunan O’Halpin

Opening Remarks: Guy Beiner

Panellists: Cristóir MacCartaigh, Caitriona Crowe, Claire Hackett

4.00 – 4.15 Coffee

4.14 – 5.30 Chair and Rapporteur: Maura Cronin

Concluding Round Table Discussion

Paul Murphy Socialist Party MEP on Debts and Default

2011-08-05T21:01:00.001+01:00

Paul Murphy speaks to Near FM on the issues of debt and default. Listen here. You can also listen to Paul talk about the freedom flotilla and the jobs not dole campaign.

Wagnerian Economics: Cork Launch of Conor McCabe's 'Sins of the Father' at Solidarity Books

2011-07-20T00:50:00.006+01:00

'Sometimes I would finish writing and have to have a shower in digust at what they've done to us'

My day began on a sour note involving a carpet and cat vomit but ended rather well with the Cork launch of Conor McCabe's Sins of the Father. The attendance was good, bigger than any of the previous historical discussions hosted by the wonderful Solidarity Books and the dicussion that followed the main talk was varied and interesting. With Conor's permission I recorded the majority of the meeting. Any problems with sound and so on I take full responsibility for (still getting used to digital recording). As usual, I must plug Solidarity Books and heartily recommend them for anyone living in / passing through Cork.

Having found every wma hosting site I've came across to be run by a bunch of cunts with little or no interest in whether their sites actually work, I have emailed the files to Donagh who will post them on Dublin Opinion.

Swing to the Left - A Night of Big Band Swing with Gary Baus

2011-07-03T20:18:00.001+01:00

Anyone who happens to be in Cork oughtta call down

Here is Gary playing sax with the God-Fearing Folk:

and here's a recent interview:

Gary Baus Interview from Maciek Klich on Vimeo.

Seán Swan on Eoghan Harris

2011-07-02T17:53:00.002+01:00

While researching his highly interesting phd thesis (later self-published book) Official Irish Republicanism, 1962-1972, political scientist Seán Swan was forced to interview bloated moron and Sindo crank-in-chief Eoghan Harris. While there are flaws in the book, Swan should be congratulated for his committment to history as the U.N now actually consider time spent in Eoghan Harris's company as a violation of basic human rights. Having received a request to make available Swan's description and analysis of Harris (itself valuable as a medical record of male menopause) I present to you Seán Swan's greatest undertaking. Please note that the following passages occur after a lengthy quotation from Harris. I attempted typing Harris's full quotation but my laptop actually got physically sick from inflicting such shite on its hard drive and vomited the quotes back out. They are now on my kitchen floor, being mopped up with old copies of the Sunday Independent while my cat, despite not posessing language, gazes upon them with a primordial feline contempt:

Getting through to the Unionists appears to have become an end in itself. The ultimate and inevitable end station of this process was to become unionist, as Harris did. Harris did not get through to the Unionists, they got through to him. The only conversion he was responsible for was his own conversion to Unionism. If this is gettinng through to the Unionists it is only in the most abject sense. Far from advancing socialism or republicanism's 'common name', it represented simply their rejection in order to gain an audience with unionists on unionist terms. The missionary of republicanism became a convert to unionism.

Harris's position here is special pleading at best; pure can at worse. Opposition to sectarian violence must be aimed at both sides. The Provisionals were the product of northern nationalists and were no more Harris's 'own side' than were the Unionists. Northern Nationalists differ profoundly from the population in the Irish Republic. But this is exactly what is to be expected, given the profoundly different social realities under which both groups lived since 1920 - indeed, since the Seventeenth century. . .

Harris' 'anti-sectarianism' was shown in a different light in the context of his fanatical support for the invasion of Iraq. The invasion and the reduction of the state if Iraq to a state of nature through the deliberate destruction of the Iraqi state, opened the gates of hell for that unfortunate country. It unleashed the forces of sectarianism and terrorism on a country where they were previously absent.

The mythical 'WMDs' never materialised. The claim that the invasion will bring about democracy in Iraq is equally spurious - the creation of a Black Water run puppet state, unofficial partition or a theocracy are far more likely. Whatever the final outcome, it will have no meaning for the 2.5% of the Iraqi population, who died as a result of this 'liberation' up to July 2006. This is what Harris's cheerleading for war helped facilitate and it is in this context that his position on Northern Ireland must be judged. His 2007 advice to the UUP to join the DUP is also difficult to understand in terms of any 'anti-sectarian' (as opposed to anti-nationalist) strategy. Like many of Harris's ideas it is fatally flawed and could help destroy any remaining common feeling between the British public and Ulster Unionists by luring the unionists into making a party viewed in Britain sd religious fundamentalist, bigoted and unmistakeably 'other', their exclusive political face. This is doubtlessly not Eoghan Harris' intention but then so many of his previous good intentions have later paved the way to hell. [Nor is he fully trusted by unionists, being accused of 'confused thinking on the nature of terrorism' by the liberal unionist Cadogan group.]

-Official Irish Republicanism 1962-72, pp.396-397.

Seán Swan: Neither of us are, to my knowledge, homosexuals. Nevertheless, I wish to marry you and bear your children.

Oral History Network Ireland

2011-06-25T16:42:00.000+01:00

Via Library.ie.

A major step forward for oral history in Ireland was heralded recently with the formation of a national organisation dedicated to co-ordinating and strengthening the work of oral history practitioners and groups across the country. The Oral History Network of Ireland is supported by some of the leading oral historians and organisations in the country. It will be formally launched at a major international conference to be held in the Parade Tower of Kilkenny Castle on 16/17 September 2011.One of the main purposes of the September conference is to establish the position of oral history in Ireland and to ascertain how best to advance its cause. Librarians would be particularly welcome to participate in this discussion. The group aim to establish contact with a view to supporting and encouraging anyone interested in the preservation of Ireland’s oral heritage and invite interested parties to email oralhistorynetworkireland@gmail.com.

Oral history in Ireland has been practiced by many committed individuals and groups for centuries. Embracing practitioners both at community level and within the Academy, and extending to Ireland, North and South, the Oral History Network of Ireland represents an exciting new departure. For the first time in Ireland, a unified network of practitioners is emerging: this will provide a long overdue opportunity for oral historians to pool resources, share information about best international practice and, more importantly, to identify issues relating to the preservation and promotion of Ireland’s oral heritage.

There has been a major growth over the last number of years in the area of oral history and tradition with community groups and individuals across Ireland making significant efforts to record the oral heritage of their area. Many librarians and heritage officers throughout the country have contributed significantly to this development. The evidence suggests that there is a need for support at all organisational levels for individuals and groups practicing oral history in Ireland. The conference in September aims to seriously and comprehensively discuss these issues and to begin to address them in an inclusive and hopefully decisive way by providing a forum where people can seek and share advice on best practice. The founding of the Oral History Network of Ireland is a very significant initiative which will facilitate the voluntary interchange of ideas, experience and expertise between people using living memory as a key historical source.

Johnny Cash Concert Interrupted by IRA Bomb Threat.

2011-06-22T20:37:00.001+01:00

From 'Strawberry Cake', a live album recorded by Cash in the London Palladium in 1976. The venue had to be evacuated due to an IRA bomb threat.

Ephemeral Left goes international

2011-06-19T19:31:00.000+01:00

Was interested to find that a comment I left over on this thread on Cedar Lounge has been translated into French over on this here site. I have to say I'm flattered. I've never been translated into anything before (except from Cork to Yorkshire). Any interested Frenchmen and women may also want to check out this related post from earlier this year.

Moving Statues in Ballinspittle - Newsnight Report from 1985

2011-06-19T19:19:00.001+01:00

Highlight: 'Did it move while you were making it?' 'Just out the door maybe.'

Book Review: 'Chasing Progress in the Irish Republic: Ideology, Democracy and Dependent Development' by John Kurt Jacobsen

2011-06-18T17:56:00.001+01:00

This week saw the release of Conor McCabe's long-awaited (by me anyway) Sins of the Father: Tracing the Decisions that Shaped the Irish Economy. Unfortunately, I won't be able to get my hands on a copy for about another fortnight. Luckily enough, I have been reading another similar book which addresses many of the same issues. Chasing Progress in the Irish Republic by John Kurt Jacobsen, released in 1994, examines the economic policy choices made by successive Irish governments since independence. Like Conor's book, it does so from a left-wing perspective. References to mainstream academic texts and IDA reports sit happily alongside interviews with Noel Browne, left-wing journals like the Ripening of Time (also an influence on McCabe's analysis) and Mandelite economics.

The picture on the front of the book is Seán Keating's 'Night's Candle's are Burnt Out'. The painting, finished in 1928:

represents the transition of Ireland from an underdeveloped country, suffering through war, to emerge into independence and prosperity. With the huge Ardnacrusha Power Station in the background, the foreground figures are symbolic rather than realistic; the businessman triumphs over the gunman, the engineers put out the candle as electricity, symbol of the new State, comes on stream. The child of the new State looks forward in anticipation. (Source: ESB Archives)

The choice is apt. Jacobsen's book examines how Ireland sought to industrialise and achieve economic modernity after independence, charting this from the failed autarky of the early state, through the Whittaker/Lemass revolution, up until the early 1990s. To do this Jacobsen uses a mix of Dependency theory, political science and aspects of Marxism. In particular he compares Ireland's economies to those of the third world, arguing that Ireland 'shares the characteristics of a large (if shrinking) agricultural sector, high birth rates, underutilised resources (especially human resources) and a colonial heritage.' (P.2)

What makes the book particularly interesting is the fact that Jacobsen examines a mix of external and domestic actors in determining economic policy. Policy is not simply dictated by the ruling-class or the state. Rather, the state is 'viewed as an organizational matrix profoundly interlinked with civil society, especially key producer groups, shaping private preferences and in turn is influenced in a wide variety of sites within and outside the formal structure, according to the material and wits deployed by actors.' (P.165.) Basically, Jacobsen observes how the particular political situation, the discourse in society and the relative power of different groups influences what policy options are open and which are taken. In particular, Jacobsen looks at how elites 'invoke the conventional wisdoms of economic policy so as to augment their project's desirability in the eyes of other social actors whose consent is need to win political struggles over policy choices.' (P.2)

Because of this, Chasing Progress is as much political theory as it is economic history. Jacobsen examines how the political discourse in society influenced what policies were pursued at different periods. He links the power of the Catholic church, the constant factor of mass emigration of young workers (those most likely to be critical of economic conservatism) and so on to creating an atmosphere in which ambitous state-led development was off the cards due to the equation of any such moves with communism. It has to be said that this explanation (of the early part of the state's history) is a little unconvincing. However, when the same method is applied to the 70s and 80s, it becomes much more interesting. Jacobsen here relates the overwhelming support for the various governments' disastrous deflationary policies to the ideological hegemony of economic liberalism which was, with few exceptions, propounded by all the main parties and the vast majority of the mainstream media. This 'high deference derived from a united front among all right-wing parties, and a media which reflected conservative diagnoses. In Ireland, even more than in Britain, there seemed no alternative.' (P.167) As such throughout this period, wealth was redistributed upwards and economic growth continued alonside rising unemployment.

Jacobsen's central thesis is that Ireland followed a course of reflex modernisation: export-led industrialisation which saw a dominant foreign sector of multinationals emerge while native industry remained weak and the state became utterly deferential to the interests of foreign capital. Of particular interest in this regard are the brief references to the selling off of mineral resources and the Ferenka incident. Jacobsen describes a plethora of discoveries in both mining and natural gas. According to him: 'This geological wealth could provide the basis for heavy industrialisation by generating downstream industries in die-casting, galvanizing and so on.' but 'because of the vertical integration of multinational mining companies in conjunction with the generous terms of Irish authorities, nothing of the kind occurred.' (P.118) The Ferenka incident saw a Dutch company in Limerick employing over a 1,000 people move their operations elsewhere in 1977, hitting the city with a sudden loss of employment. Spokesmen for the company claimed that it was due to Bolshie trade unions and the media picked up on this, blaming the workers for the company's departure. However, Jacobsen shows that the labour disputes in the factory had actually been settled prior to the company's departure and that the company's authoritarian regime was bound to create industrial trouble anyway. The real reason the company had left was because it was already in the process of moving to cheaper economies. Its bases in Holland and Britain however had managed to prevent this through trade union action. What the incident showed above all was 'the strain of maintaining an "attractive business climate" was beginning to show. In an image-making age public relations mattered more than the actual state of industrial relations. The Irish state was confined by reliance upon the good fraces of foreign enterprises. But the Ferenka affair certainly had exposed a distressing faultline economic policy.' (P.123.)

Arguably, the best part of the book deals with the 1980s recession. After the somewhat stilted academic tone that characterised the early part of the book, Jacobsen's anger and indignation enlivens the book. What makes this particularly interesting is just how familiar the situation he describes feels:

The "propensity to defer" remained high over three elections fought during 1981-82 as parties competed for the right to impose deflationary programs that differed from one another only marginally. Austerity packages were portrayed in the media as a secular pilgrimage, a repentance for sins that barefoot treaders of, as a Fine Gael minister colorfully put it, the "rough stony path" may not recall having committed. They are induced anyway to feel guilty because the international market, like God, moves in mysterious ways that demand unquestioning obedience. (P.156)

First as tragedy, then as farce.

Here, Jacobsen is utterly scathing is his tearing down of the FF/FG/Labour policies during the period and particularly of the mainstream media. He blows apart the notion that high wages were the source of the problem, showing how after the years of wage restraint unemployment continued to climb ever higher. In particular, his demonstration of the bemused confusion of broadsheet papers and economists at the seeming paradox of increased growth alongside increased unemployment (a result of massive deflation) is both tragic and hilarious. It's a pity that there's unlikely to be a second edition. One wonders how Jacobsen would describe the current situation.

In conclusion, the book is slow to get going and its origin as a PHD thesis frequently reveals itself through the somewhat schematic structure and often dull prose. However, this book is invaluable as a left-wing critique of Irish economic policy and, when Jacobsen lets loose and allows a little sarcasm and anger to creep in, it's a fantastic read. It's available for less than a fiver on Amazon so as soon as you finish Sins of the Father, be sure to give this one a whirl.

Historical Cork on Film - 1900s and 1970s

2011-06-16T03:07:00.003+01:00

Two slices of historical Cork for you:

1900s

Interesting RTE documentary about Edwardian Cork. The footage used was filmed between 1900 and 1903 and recovered by chance in a basement in 1995 and is incredible. High quality and varied shots in and around the city cover everything from workmen leaving their factory to genteel boating near Sunday's Well. Perhaps the most striking things about the footage are the preponderance of union jacks and the fact that the city seems to have changed so little. In particular the hustle and bustle of Patrick's Street doesn't seem a million miles away from the atmosphere you still get in town on a busy Saturday afternoon. The commentary is a bit disappointing however. More historians and historical context would have benefitted the whole thing immensely. Some of the commentators, while evocative, really don't add a lot. Otherwise, it really is fascinating and the fades from recent to newsreel coverage of the same street in particular are really quite stirring.

1970s

Equally interesting is this short programme made in 1977 about the echo boys. The howls of 'EVENING ECHO' are such a fundamental part of the fabric of the city that it's hard to imagine what the place would be like without them. However, the phenomenon of children and teenagers selling the paper is one that has died out. If anything, the typical echo seller now tends to be quite a bit closer to the grave than the womb. Particularly interesting is the interview in the early part of the second half when the biggest markets for the paper are identified as Fords, Dunlop and Sunbeam-Woolsey, large manufacturing centres which have all since shut down. An interesting piece of social history. Thanks to Tossie123 for all of these clips, whoever he may be.

Sex in a Cold Climate - Ireland's Magdalene Laundries

2011-06-15T17:48:00.002+01:00

A Channel 4 documentary from 1997 that features interviews with 4 former Magdalene inmates. This documentary is significant because the truth about the Magdalene Laundries only emerged in 1993 after part of a convent in Dublin was being converted and the unmarked graves of 155 inmates were uncovered. It was the first major documentary to be made about the issue and also the first to draw attention to the Magdalene System in Ireland from an international audience.

History Books That Should Exist But Don't

2011-06-14T22:43:00.000+01:00

Ewan MacColl: A tale of two plaques

2011-06-08T20:11:00.001+01:00

Most people are probably familiar with the song 'Dirty Old Town', originally written by Ewan MacColl about his native Salford, and most famously covered by the Dubliners. MacColl was also a committed Marxist and his songs (of which there are over 300) frequently reflected this. Like Woody Guthrie he saw folk music and the writing of songs that reflected working-class struggles as something both politically engaged and potentially revolutionary. If you're a fan and happen to be passing through either Salford near Manchester or Russell Square in London then you should keep an eye out for the following two plaques:

This is the one in Russell Square and reads: Ewan MacColl 25.1.1915 to 22.10.1989 Folk Laureate, Singer, Dramatist, Marxist. This oak tree was planted in recognition of the strength and singleness of purpose of this fighter for peace and socialism. Below, in smaller writing: Presented by his communist friends with the kind assistance of the London Borough of Camden on the 75th anniversary of his birth 25.1.1990.

This is the one in Salford. Apologies for the poor quality but it reads: Ewan MacColl: 1915-1989. Marxist, Singer, Songmaker and Dramatist lived in this neighbourhood. I managed to come across the following report from the Communist History Network Newsletter in 2001 describing the ceremonies marking the plaque's unveiling:

Ewan MacColl plaque unveiling ceremony, Salford

On September 22 and 23 2001, a weekend celebration of the life and work of Ewan MacColl was held at the Working Class Movement Library (WCML) in Salford. A city council plaque commemorating MacColl’s connections with Salford, now on permanent display at the WCML, was unveiled. Ruth Frow reports on the weekend and reflects on MacColl’s life.

The weekend started on Saturday with a reception at which Peggy Seeger met a number of her old friends and a few Salfordians who remembered Jimmy Miller (Ewan MacColl) from his young days.

Sunday was the important occasion in the Library. The Mayor and Mayoress attended to invite Peggy Segger to unveil the red plaque which is now permanently sited in the large hall. After the ceremony at which over a hundred people managed to squash into the hall to witness, the audience divided and a performance of Ewan MacColl’s songs and a sample of his agit-prop plays was given in both the Annexe and the Reading Room.

Terry Wheelan, a folk-singer and old friend, gathered performers who had been members of the Critics Group and who had known and worked with Ewan MacColl and Peggy Seeger. They were lively and interesting, and anxious to pay their respects in the way that Ewan would have appreciated. Some of them continued discussing controversial topics unresolved many years ago.

Aidan Jolly and his friends gave a rendering of the agit-prop sketch Meerut. In the early thirties, when it was first performed in the streets of north-west towns, the story of the prisoners at Meerut would have been hot news. Street-theatre was Jimmy Miller’s first experience of the use of drama to interpret political events.

Jimmy Miller was born in Salford in 1915. His father was an iron moulder and his mother a Scotswoman. Both were active left wing socialists and, from an early age, young Jimmy was involved in the cut and thrust of political discussion.

After leaving school in 1930, he entered the growing army of unemployed. He managed to get occasional work in a variety of temporary jobs but he soon found the Workers’ Theatre and realised that his interests lay in the cultural rather than the industrial field. But he understood that hiw working class experience needed to be used in conjunction with his newly-found interest. He helped produce and sell news-sheets for workers and developed a talent for writing songs and political squibs. On long rambles over the Derbyshire hills with other like-minded revolutionaries, he would improvise and entertain with songs like The Manchester Rambler.

By 1934 he had taken part in hunger marches and been present at some of the unemployed struggles which punctuated his life in the industrial north-west in the early thirties. He met Joan Littlewood and together they set up a workers’ experimental Theatre of Action. After moving to London, they started a drama school for working people.

But London did not supply them with the workers whom they wanted to educate, so they moved back to the north and formed Theatre Union. Their work became more ambitious and had such potential influence that in 1939 their play Last Edition was stoped by police, and they were both arrested and charged with ‘disturbing the peace.’ They were fined and ‘bound over’ not to take part in any dramatic performance for two years.

It was during the War, which he spent in Scotland, that Jimmy Miller became Ewan MacColl as a gesture of solidarity with the national school of Scottish poets. Immediately after the War, a number of the participants in the revolutionary theatre movement pooled their gratuities and formed Theatre Workshop. Ewan MacColl was designated the writer, trainer and innovator of the group. Joan Littlewood was the producer.

When Theatre Workship moved to the West End, MacColl and Littlewood parted and he began to turn his attention to traditional music. It was in that field that he was able to link his social conscience and experience of being raised in a working class industrial atmosphere with his ability to express his ideas in song and music. He became an expert at adapting and interpreting ballads so that they reached the hearts and minds of ordinary people.

In 1956 he and Peggy Seeger met and started a partnership which proved fruitful, rewarding and which lasted until his death in 1989. They made their name conducting workshops and touring in Britain and abroad as singers of traditional and contemporary songs. They had a notable success in the Radio Ballads in which they collaborated with Charles Parker.

It was that talent for translating his early Salford working class experience into accessible songs and drama that made it so appropriate for Salford City, his enduring influence, to honour him with one of their rare plaques.

Ruth Frow

Cian Prendiville argues the Case for Socialism

2011-06-07T23:13:00.003+01:00

Cian Prendiville, the Socialist Party candidate for Limerick in the general election, undertook a speaking tour of the USA in 2010, organised by our American sister party 'Socialist Alternative'. Here is a video of him arguing the case for socialism at a public meeting in Seattle University last September.

The Case for Socialism from Cian Prendiville on Vimeo.

George Brown Commemoration Weekend

2011-06-04T19:44:00.000+01:00

From the George Brown Memorial Committee:

George Brown Memorial Committee, Inistioge

Inistioge is a small, rural village in the Republic of Ireland. The picturesque village sits in a valley on the River Nore, County Kilkenny. It was here, in 2007, that the George BrownMemorial Committee was founded in order to honour a local man who gave his life as a member of the International Brigades, in the defence of democratic principles and workers' rights.

George Brown, was born in Inistioge in 1906. Having emigrated to the UK as a child, he spent much of his life in Manchester. Like most working-class children George had an ordinary elementary school education and from the age of fourteen had a variety of jobs with spells of work in factories, with Manchester Corporation and as a labourer on a number of building sites, along with intermittent bouts of unemployment characteristic of the period. It was the General Strike of 1926 that consolidated his interest in politics and led to his joining the British Communist Party. He became a very active trade union organizer and a prominent member of the labour movement in Manchester.

In January 1937, George Brown was one of more than five hundred Volunteers from Britain who went to Spain. He was posted to the front line as a soldier in the Fifteenth International Brigade.

On 7th July 1937, aged just 30, he died in the Battle of Brunette during the defence of Madrid.

Since it was established in 2007, The George Brown Memorial Committee has held an annual commemoration to acknowledge the sacrifice made by George Brown, and in recognition of the bravery and integrity of all the men and women who were members of the International Brigades. This commemoration is held in Inistioge over two days in June each year and features lectures, speakers, memorial events and music, in what has proved to be an informative and enjoyable event.

In December 2007, our locally-based committee was instrumental in the establishment of an olive grove at Woodstock Gardens and provided a plaque commemorating four Kilkenny men who served in the International Brigade and then in June a plaque was unveiled in St. Colmcille graveyard, Inistioge, to the memory of George Brown. The initial event was attended by attended by Spanish Civil War veterans Bob Doyle and Jack Jones (RIP). Speakers have included Harry Owens, Spanish Civil War historian, Dr Emmet O'Connor, Senator David Norris, along with the Cuban and Palestinian Ambassadors.

The George Brown Memorial Committee is local committee, representing a small village community in Ireland and we are proud of what we have achieved in commemorating the sacrifice of those who fought and died in the International Brigades and in encouraging ongoing political discussion. In 2011, and with Ireland facing an economic crisis, we are intending to hold the George Brown Memorial Event once again, with the theme “Successes in Socialism”.

The event will be held over the evening of Friday 24th and Saturday 25th June. For further information please visit the website www.inistioge.ie or contact us at

georgebrown.inistioge@gmail.com

FOURTH ANNUAL GEORGE BROWN

COMMEMORATION WEEKEND

INISTIOGE, Co. KILKENNY

FRIDAY 24TH & SATURDAY 25TH June 2011

PROGRAMME OF EVENTS

FRIDAY 24TH JUNE

7.15pm

Welcome and Wreath Laying by Pádraig Ó Murchú (Chairperson

GBMC)

Meet at George Brown Memorial Plaque in St Colmcille’s Cemetery

7.45pm

St Mary’s Church, Inistioge

Proceedings chaired by Jimmy Kelly, Irish Secretary UNITE

Topic – Socialism in the Modern World

Michael D. Higgins will speak on the subject of

The Left in a Changing World

Jose Antonio Gutierrez will speak on the subject of

Socialism in Latin America

10.00pm

Lehehan’s pub

Light Refreshment and Music

SATURDAY 25TH JUNE

11.00am – St Mary’s Church, Inistioge

Proceedings chaired by Jack O’Connor, President SIPTU

Harry Owens, Spanish Civil War Historian, will speak on the subject of The Catholic Church and the Spanish Civil War.

Ciarán Crossey will speak on the subject of The Republican Congress.

1.00pm The Olive Grove – Woodstock Gardens

Tree Planting Ceremony

Music performed by The Hatchery Folk

Address by Manus O’Riordan, Irish Secretary ~ International

Brigade Memorial Trust: In Defence of Two Republics – Kilkenny’s International Brigaders

4.00pm Return to Inistioge

Refreshments at Lenehan’s Pub

Recital by Graiguenamanagh Brass Band

Evening Close

Traditional Music and Song, O’Donnell’s Lounge

John Borgonovo - Cork Labour and the Irish Revolution, 1916 - 1922

2011-05-18T19:24:00.001+01:00

I was lucky enough to attend Dr. John Borgonovo's talk on Cork Labour and the Irish Revolution, held in Solidarity Books on the 17th of May. John is the author of Spies, Informers and the 'Anti-Sinn Fein Society': The Intelligence War in Cork City, 1919-1921, the forthcoming The Battle for Cork: July - August 1922 and is a respected authority on revolutionary Cork. The talk attracted 20-30 people and was very informative. John talked solidly for an hour before there was a lively question and answer session. This report is based on my own hastily scribbled notes but I have tried to be as accurate as possible. Any comments of my own are in italics.

The Irish Revolution

The effects of the first world war can be compared to both the fall of the Berlin wall and the contemporary 'Arab Spring.' There is a similar dynamic at work in all three. The impact of WW1 on Ireland was similar to the impact it had on the rest of the continent. The Irish revolution has rarely been examined within this european context but rather as an insular phenomenon. Similarly, the Labour radicalism that coincided with the revolution has not been included in the dominant narrative.

Cork Before the War

The organised Labour movement in Cork at the start of the twentieth century was dominated by craft and artisan unions. Very few unskilled workers were organised and the limited franchise meant that there was, as of yet, little in terms of an electoral working-class. Nationalist politics were also divisive and contributed to maintaining a diffuse labour movement. Half of the city lived in extreme poverty, living in tenements and barely staying above starvation levels. 25% of the population were unskilled labourers with no job security. These conditions created a culture of fear, shame and poverty which was difficult for unions to organise in. In addition, the existing craft unions were highly insular and unsympathetic towards unskilled workers. The Cork trades council had been founded in 1890 but was weak. Cork politics, industry and civil society were dominated by unionists.

The two main political forces in the city were the All for Ireland League (linked with the land and labour association) and the Irish Party or Redmondites. The rivalry between the two groups was bitter but by 1914 the Irish Party had emerged as the dominant force in the city. The Redmondites had close links with the clergy, the mercantile Catholic middle-class and were characterised by corruption and intricate patronage networks. IPP hegemony in Cork was almost comparable to a one-party state. They controlled both papers in the city, while the paramilitary Irish volunteers and semi-military Ancient Order of Hibernians were almost wings of the Redmondite party. Redmond is traditionally regarded as a peaceful moderate statesman. I'm dubious however. The Redmondites did not tolerate dissent and there was often widespread electoral violence in Cork.

Republicanism was a marginal force. However, there was a strong republican tradition in the city. Cork had been a Fenian stronghold and there was, at one point, 4,000 fenians in the city, most of them working-class. Republicanism was weakened after the turn of the century but was still capable of mobilisation, organising demonstrations against the Boer war, the royal visit and well attended Manchester martyr commemorations. The Labour Party didn't exist at this point as a political party, It was more of a loose interest group that also ran candidates. In the 1908 local elections the Labour Party only won 6 of 50 seats on the corporation. The 1908 dock strike was a critical event for Cork labour, albeit one that has been overlooked in Irish labour historiography. The strike was very divisive and there were violent scuffles between strikers and scabs. Apparently, Connolly was influenced in his formation of the Irish Citizen Army by the anti-scab tactics of the Cork dockers. After the strike, the ITGWU was temporarily crushed in Cork. The dock strike split the trade union movement in the city and two new trades councils were formed. The Cork district trade council was composed of the old craft unions, was conservative and supported the IPP. The United Labour council was more progressive and supported the All for Ireland League. The Land and Labour association also experienced a split. The trades council wasn't reunited until 1916. There was no unified idea of Labour in Cork and no political vision until Larkin in 1913 / 1914.

There was a cadre of radicals in existence in the city consisting of labour radicals, suffragettes and republicans, who all formed part of a radical mileu. There was a lot of cross-polination of ideas and cadres were developed, despite a lack of widespread support. As such, by the outbreak of WW1, republicans were well placed to take advantage of the situation.

World War One

When war broke out the city was largely pro-war. 7,000 enlisted in the army, the vast majority of them working-class. Working-class areas were strongly pro-war and the wives of soldiers, known as seperation women, were vocal in their support of the war effort and were active politically. While the majority were pro-war, Labour radicals and republicans opposed it. Trade union leaders also tended to be pro-war.

WW1 destabilised the country politically and economically. In 1917 revolution broke out in Russia, followed in 1918 by a number of other countries. Cork people looked to these events with interest. Pro-Russian Revolution meetings were held in Cork and republicans, as well as labour radicals, were inspired by these events.

The war led to massive inflation in Ireland. Prices in Cork doubled in 2 years and hit workers and the poor particularly hard. On the other hand, the 7,000 mobilised Corkmen meant that there was less of a labour surplus. Certain industries benefitted and the Cóbh naval base benefitted the city economy. Some things got better and some got worse, but the inflation was hugely destabilising. It wasn't a depression but a climate of economic insecurity combined with the impression that Britain was losing the war. The population began to turn against the war in droves. Republicans had the capacity to take advantage of this thanks to a strong layer of leaders, a simple yet powerful explanation and programme for change as well as mass organisations in the form of the volunteers and cumman na mban.

The trade union movement was also set to benefit from the new situation. Wages couldn't keep up with inflation and the introduction of mandatory arbitration in labour disputes (which generally benefitted the labourers) encouraged the growth of union organisation. Farm workers became organisaed and were often the most radical elements in the labour movement. This took labour beyond the cities and into the countryside. The ITGWU became the vanguard of the labour movement. In 1917 and 1918 strikes became endemic, most of which were ITGWU led. Women workers also became organised. Discontent with the war grew and labour militancy had a spiralling effect with strikes in one industry sparking off strikes in other workplaces. By 1918 strikes in the city had increased by 500%. The Cork working-class were getting organised en masse.

The new political situation saw increased collaboration between the trade unions and republicans. This came to the fore through the people's food committtee. The committee was a response to food and milk shortages and sought to stop or limit food being exported from the city to England. The campaign benefitted from the fact that famine was still in living memory and there was widespread fear that history was about to repeat itself. Pickets were launched, the IRA was involved and for one month there were no live food exports from the city.

At the same time, across the country, rural labourers and republicans were seizing pasture-land to be used for tillage. These were big public events. 100s of people would march behind a band and boisterously seize the land in a carnival atmosphere. This was curtailed when Sinn Féin prohibited its members and IRA volunteers from getting involved. The republican leadership were scared by the militancy of 1918 and the fact that they couldn't control it.

The food scare was brief. Imports resumed as the Allies efforts to curtail U-boat attacks became more successful and there was a good harvest. Prices went down and the panic subsided. Then the city lurched from the food crisis to the conscription crisis. This was more important than the Easter Rising in terms of the revolution. There had been concerns about conscription from the start of the war. Even when pro-war sentiment was high there was still opposition to conscription. In March / April 1918 conscription was introduced and led to mass opposition across all sectors of Cork society. Republicans and the trades council led the opposition. A one day strike was called, the first of 5 such general strikes to occur in the city between 1918 and 1922. There was an anti-conscription rally on Grand Parade which drew 30,000 people. This was probably the biggest demonstration in the history of the city. The Irish Citizen Army was re-organised in the city and 50 - 75 ICA members join the volunteers. The anti-conscription movement threatened to stop food exports, to collapse the banking system by mass withdrawals and that Irish soldiers would refuse to follow orders. Lawyers volunteered to defend the soldiers if their cases went to military tribunals.

There was an explosion in support for the volunteers / IRA. Local leaders of the volunteers had been mainly middle-class (teachers, clerks etc.) before the war, but in 1918 the leadership of the volunteers in Cork became dominated by working-class leaders, many of them trade unionists.

1918 Election

Labour in Cork had by now been integrated into the republican resistance. In the 1918 election Sinn Féin even offered Labour one of the two seats in Cork, on condition that they would commit to abstentionism. Cathal O'Shannon would have been the candidate had the agreement been made. However, the Labour Party had concerns about the deal. The increased franchise meant the possibility of electoral victory for the Labour Party in Westminster. If the election results meant that a Labour Party victory was contingent upon the support of Irish MPs then the Irish Labour Party leadership was inclined towards ensuring a Labour victory should it occur. However, among the grassroots of Labour there was widespread support for unity of republicans and labour. The Labour leadership's decision not to contest the election was a response to the mood of the rank an file. However, the decision not to run labour candidates as part of a united front for independence was a mistake. Had Labour agreed to this then they could have been more influential later on. From 1919 onwards, Sinn Féin assumed leadership of the movement while Labour lost out. The economic collapse of 1921 and 1922 put Labour on the defensive and the workers movement would never again reach the heights it had achieved in 1918.

Questions and Answers

Q. After Connolly's execution, did the Irish Citizen Army lack a strong left leadership?

A. The ICA still existed during the revolution, mostly among dockers. They were active in gunrunning in particular. The ICA was present in Cork, where it included a women's organisation and boy and girl scouts. The Cork ICA was led by the Wallis', two strongly leftist sisters who ran a shop in Cork.

Q. Were there tensions between SF/IRA and the labour movement in Cork?

A. Local IRA commanders generally saw the revolution in purely military terms and thought little in socio-economic terms. However, the IRA leadership did have a natural antipathy towards the ascendancy. There was also a hostility towards the gombeen men and a loathing of the Redmondites, who were seen as opportunists and whose patronage networks were disliked. The IRA leadership was predominately lower middle-class and many S.F leaders subsequently became virulently anti-communist. Interestingly, some of these figures, like Alfred O'Rahilly and Liam De Róiste, were somewhat left-leaning at the time with progressive attitudes towards the workers movement and even sympathies with the russian revolution. Later on they became extremely reactionary. For more information see here. Generally, cultural nationalists tended towards conservatism later on in life.

Some IRA leaders thought in left / right terms. Some didn't. Both Labour and the republican movement hated the corruption and patronage networks of the Redmondites though. For example, when MacCurtain became Lord Mayor of Cork he actively reformed the local government system in order to root out the corruption and patronage built up by Irish Party hegemony over the city, lowering the mayor's salary and moving public board meetings to night-time so that labourers could attend.

Q. Why didn't the Union leadership back the strikes occuring in 1922?

There were Harbour and Railroad soviets in Cork in 1922. At the time, there were divisions between 'new' and 'old' labour within Irish trade unionism. Pun was intentional. In 1920 there was a munitions strike. Docks, railways etc. were closed down to prevent the movement of British war material. This was a wildcat strike, initiated at the grassroots level, that took its inspiration from the 'Hands off Russia' movement in England, where dockers had refused to ship munitions that were to be used against the Bolsheviks. There was a tension between these sort of action and the conservativism of the national executive. The same was true across the pond. For example, at the time of the MacSwiney hunger strike there was a lot of public support in the UK labour movement for taking industrial action in support of MacSwiney. However, his wife Mary, herself a labour activist, was denied permission to speak at the UK LP conference of that year despite (or because of) the sympathy of the rank and file.

Q. Effect of Civil War.

The civil war broke the labour movement. It occured at a time of high unemployment. In Cork, 20-25% of the city was unemployed at the start of the conflict. This meant there was little appetite for war driven mainly by nationalist ideology. There was even a threat of a general strike against the war. Mass unemployment cut across the development of radical politics and militated against labour militancy.

Q. What was the significance of the Ancient Order of Hibernians and other such societies?

The AOH were a scary organisation. They had 2,000 members in Cork City and 4,000 in the county. They were a very shadowy group with secret committees within secret committees. A significant number of the Irish Party leadership were Hibernians. The AOH was consciously organised as an alternative to the Orange Order. They were dangerous, repellant Catholic supremacists who were more sectarian than any other nationalist grouping. They dissipated outside Ulster after the fall of the Redmondites but many of them later re-emerged into politics after the revolution. I feel that this was part of a counter-revolution and am inclined to agree with that thesis.

Q. What was the role of farm labourers?

Land agitation was almost a continuation of the land war. Many of the most militant strikes in East and North Cork were those of farm labourers, who the ITGWU worked hard to organise. Cork's first May Day celebration saw 20,000 people march behind red flags. Thousands did the same after the election of Robert Day.

Q. Was there a connection between the success of the All for Ireland league in Cork and the turn away from the Redmondites to Sinn Féin?

Many republican leaders came from AFI families. There was a strong antipathy towards Redmond in Cork and huge struggles between the IPP and the AFI were common. Riots occurred at every election; During the 1910 election for example, there were riots for 2-3 weeks. The AFI contributed to Cork's seperatist identity and there was a connection between Anti-Redmondite sentiment in the city and the republican variety of anti-Redmondism that came to the fore in 1918.

Q. Church's attitude towards Labour militancy in 1918/1919?

A. The church turned against the war as it went on and supported the anti-conscription movement. The anti-communism of the Irish Catholic church did not come to the fore until the 1920s. There was clerical involvement in the soviets. Soviet organisers were often very religous and the sight of a rosary being said in a soviet was neither surprising or uncommon.

During this discussion, which was relatively informal, Dr.Donal O'Drisceoil, himself a noted commentator on the war of independence in Cork, occasionally weighed in. As such, some of the notes above may be getting his and John's contributions mixed up. The following I can attribute directly to Donal and it seems a good place to finish the report

D O'D: 1918 represented an important lost opportunity. Republican conservatism has been highly exaggerated. Labour hedged its bets and refused to take a leadership role. It was the fault of the labour leadership, not Sinn Féin and the IRA, that labour had to wait.

End

So that's that. John also provided a handout with statistics and so on relevant to the talk, which I'll post in the next week or two. I should probably take this opportunity to plug Solidarity Books itself. Though this was the first of these talks I attended, the consensus is that they have been a resounding success, not least for taking history outside of the Universities and into the public sphere. Incidentally, every speaker has spoken free of charge, many of them travelling down just for the talk. In addition to providing a venue for talks and film showings, the book selection is excellent. There is a wide selection of radical, socialist, anarchist, feminist and republican material Although, unlike its predecessor on Barrack St., there is little in the way of Marxist classics and so on. However, it's the WSM who put the hours in running the place so I can't really complain. In particular, it's worth noting that the selection of Irish history books is, by far and away, the best in the city, eclipsing even Vibes and Scribes on Bridge Street. If you live in Cork be sure to support it. If you're coming from up the country just for a day or a weekend, it's definetely worth making the effort to pay a visit.

The Queen in Cork

2011-05-18T15:48:00.000+01:00

Tom Barry: Guerilla Days in Ireland (Includes last known interview with Peter Hart)

2011-05-06T15:48:00.000+01:00

Now available on youtube, an interesting documentary about Tom Barry on TG4, that also contains the last known interview with Peter Hart before his death.

My favourite pub in Yorkshire

2011-04-30T13:59:00.001+01:00

The Gaeilge in the Walls

2011-04-25T15:58:00.000+01:00

Sorry about the long gap between posts. Blame it on a combination of holidays, coursework and general fannying about. Expect some more substantial posts in the coming months. But anyway, H.P Lovecraft...

I recently read the excellent Call of Ctulhu and Other Stories, published by Penguin, which contains a fair swathe of Lovecraft's best known stories, including two of my personal favourites: The Colour Out of Space and The Whisperer in Darkness. It also includes The Rats in the Walls, which according to the editor of Weird Tales, who published it in 1924, was the best story the magazine had ever received up to that point. I don't want to give away too much about the story. If you want to read it, it is, like most of Lovecraft's work, now in the public domain, and can be read here. Anyway, go ahead and do that because I can't promise there won't be spoilers. Without giving too much away, the story ends, typically for Lovecraft, with the protagonist reduced to a gibbering wreck. In his madness, and awareness of his horrifying heritage, he says the following:

'Sblood, thou stinkard, I'll learn ye how to gust . . . wolde ye swynke me thilke wys? . . . Magna Mater! Magna Mater! Atys . . . Dia ad aghaidh ad aodann . . . agus bas dunach ort! Dhonas's dholas ort, agus leat-sa! . . . Ungl . . . ungl . . . rrrlh . . . chchch . . . '

Yep, that's Irish in the italics, though with slightly strange variations. The translation is, according to the endnotes:

God against thee and in thy face . . . and may a death of woe be yours . . . Evil and sorrow to thee and thine.

Which sounds about right to me, though níl mo gaeilge sabhair chun a bheith macánta leat. In the context of the story, the falling back through middle english, latin and finally gaelic, represents his character's mind degenerating through the past generations of his family to their earliest ancestors. Interestingly though, Lovecraft did have, and was aware of, some Irish ancestry, through his father's family and, given his interest, even obsession, with genealogy, it is likely that he was interested in this aspect of his heritage.

Anyway, I'm not a Lovecraft expert or anything, but coming across the cúpla focal in The Rats in the Walls reminded me of a conversation in an Irish class way back in secondary school, where our teacher mentioned a Tarzan movie where the native tribes spoke a strange language which he immediately recognised as Irish. I'm curious to know if anyone else has came across Irish being used in any interesting contexts in film, literature or music. If so, I'd be interested in hearing about it.

Changing Politics North of the Border?

2011-03-30T23:52:00.000+01:00

Faircare?

2011-03-24T19:58:00.002Z

Dominic Haugh, a member of the Socialist Party in Limerick has written an excellent critique of Fine Gael's 'FairCare' plans through analysis of the Dutch model on which it is based. Dominic demonstrates that:

1. The Netherlands has gone from a two-tier health system to a three-tier health
system. Almost half a million people are now uninsured or defaulting on the
health insurance payments.
2. Private health insurance companies are findings ways to circumvent the ban on
‘risk selection’.
3. The current cost of the Universal Health Insurance basic package in the
Netherlands is €1194 per person for this year. On top of that Employers deduct
a further 6.9% of a workers income up to a ceiling (€2233 in 2009).
4. With annual income running at €53,000 per household, the annual cost of
health insurance is somewhere between €4,525 and €5,625, or 8.6 to 10.7 per
cent of household income.
5. Since the introduction of Universal Health Insurance in 2006, premium costs
have risen by 41% and could double from the current rates by 2014.
6. More than 50% of the hospitals in the Netherlands are facing bankruptcy as a
result of the introduction of Universal Health Insurance in 2006.
7. There has been a significant and continuing increase in healthcare costs since
the introduction of Universal Health Insurance in 2006.
8. The necessity to negotiate and implement 30,000 Diagnosis Treatment
Combinations (DBCs) between private health insurance companies and
individual hospitals has led to a massive bureaucratisation of the system.
9. It is not known how many hospital beds there actually are in the Netherlands.
10. The Dutch healthcare system has growing waiting lists and short-notice
postponement of operations.
11. The Dutch healthcare system is no better than average in comparison with
other wealthy countries.
12. 41% of people say that the quality of the health system has worsened since the introduction of Universal Health Insurance in 2006, while 8% indicated that it had improved.

Read the full article here.

Congratulations to Paul Murphy

2011-03-23T14:40:00.003Z

Congratulations to Paul Murphy MEP, who has taken Joe Higgins' vacated seat in the European parliament. Paul is a seasoned campaigner who has been involved in the fight against the war in Iraq, the re-introduction of fees and various community and industrial campaigns. We wish him all the best. His website.

A Stroll Around Highgate

2011-03-21T19:33:00.000Z

Heading down to London this weekend I finally got round to checking out Highgate Cemetery, something I've been intending to do for a long time but that I always ended up putting to one side. Needless to say, even though I only managed to get a look at the east cemetery, it proved very rewarding. I don't think anybody will be surprised that my main interest lay in the 'political' graves that, for various reasons, had been placed close to the enormous Marx tombstone. Though I did manage to find the graves of two very influential and talented writers.

Douglas Adams, author of Hitchikers Guide to the Galaxy.

George Eliot, the name adopted by Mary Ann Evans, one of the most celebrated novelists of the Victorian period.

Having snapped these I stumbled upon these I made my way to the collosal grave of Marx himself.

The grave itself is quite interesting. Until 1954 the site was marked by a fairly humble gravestone which was then replaced by the current monument (at least 9 foot from base to the top of the bust) by the Communist Party of Great Britain. There was an attempt to destroy it by right-wing anti-communists in 1970. A stroll around the base also revealed the visit of some interesting mourners.

An Italian edition of the communist manifesto next to a handwritten note. Unfortunately, I can't speak Italian so it's contents remain a mystery.

Flowers at the graveside.

Left by our old friends the Maoists.

It was the graves that were given the honour of proximity to Marx that proved most interesting though. I honestly don't know how one ensures that their grave is located in this particular part of an already overcrowded cemetery. Personally, I reckon it would require a fairly substantial donation to the Friends of Highgate Cemetery and a certain degree of reputation. Anyway, that's just speculation. If anyone knows the process it's be interesting to know. Not that I'm intending to be buried in Highgate, just curious :). Anyway on to Marx's neighbours.

Chris Harman. Leading theorist and central committee member of the British SWP. Editor of numerous publications and responsible for a slew of theoretical material.

Buried nearby is his comrade Paul Foot, writer and journalist. Perhaps best known for his campaigning work on behalf of the Birmingham 6.

Mansoor Hekmat. Founder of the Worker-Communist Movement whose main strength has been in Iran and Iraq. An interesting figure, revered within the Iranian party. His ideas are interesting in representing one of the few significant variants of anti-Stalinist Marxism besides Trotskyism.

Yusuf and Winifred Dadoo, South African communist leaders.

Koque Martinez

Nazhad Agha. Deputy leader of the parliament of Kurdistan. Originally established after the first gulf war.

Buland Al Haidari. Kurdish poet and activist.

Saad Saadi Ali. Iraqi Communist Leader.

Another Iraqi Communist. The proliferation of Iraqi and Kurdish graves is interesting. Perhaps due largely to the fact that many of them lived in exile in London during Hussein's rule.

Well that's pretty much it. I might do similar articles on other 'political' graveyards closer to home (like Bodenstown) the next time I have a chance. There's clearly a lot of work to be done on these kind of cemeteries in relation to popular memory and so on.

E.P Thompson on Social Change (1977)

2011-03-16T01:38:00.001Z

Fascinating:

Toryspotting

2011-03-16T00:01:00.000Z

Thought it was clever. Via The Great Unrest

The dynamics of class, space and Luke 'Ming' Flanagan

2011-03-14T15:03:00.004Z

I should explain. This post started as a response to some points raised over on the fascinating Little Review on how and why what are broadly defined as 'progressive' politics seem to find a more welcoming home in cities than they do in rural areas. However, by the time I began researching Luke Flanagan's election literature I realised that the post was going to be too long and off-topic for a comment box and required a post of it's own.

The phrase 'progressive politics' includes a wide range of issues. In terms of social liberalism, i.e, why attitudes towards choice, LGBT rights etc. find more support in cities, the answer is obvious. Namely, that freed from traditional family environments ideas like these can find more support where such bonds are loosened. Very few LGBT people who move from the countryside to the city find that their sexuality is received with a warmer reception in the former. However, what interests me more is why class politics, rather than broadly progressive politics, is much stronger in cities than it is in the countryside. Why is this? After all class exists in Castlerea as much as it does in Ballyfermot, yet class politics is clearly a much more powerful force in Dublin than it is in rural Ireland, where clientism, personality politics etc. remain surprisingly strong forces even now.

This brings me to something I've been thinking about a lot lately, which is the geography and the landscape of class and the connections between these dynamics and politics more generally. There's an excellent term I came across recently, that is used frequently by geographers but one that, as a historian, I wasn't familiar with. The term is 'intensity', or intensification. What this refers to is how different trends, experiences and social relations are inflated and intensified within a city. Essentially, the same social relations that exist within society generally become intensified when they are experienced within the concentrated social space of the city. The importance of this is recognised among urban geographers generally, but it's also something that Marx was well aware of when he wrote:

The bourgeoisie has subjected the country to the rule of the towns. It has created enormous cities, has greatly increased the urban population as compared with the rural, and has thus rescued a considerable part of the population from the idiocy of rural life. (http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/download/pdf/Manifesto.pdf)

It's important to remember of course that what the term 'idiocy' is a poor translation. In the original German, the term means 'narrow-view' or 'narrow-mindedness' rather than stupidity. Essentially, it means that a rural peasant cannot see national and international political and social forces at work and respond to them in the same way that a worker in a big urban area can. So, Marx, right back in 1848, was aware of how importance space was to class and class consciousness. How does this work in modern Ireland?

Let's take two individual workers: Jenny and Mary.

Jenny lives in the countryside in a single detached bungalow. Her nearest neighbours live a quarter of a mile down the road. While one of her neighbours is a great deal better off than she is, this social difference is not so clear. For one thing houses in the countryside are bigger than those in cities for reasons of space, so the difference in opulence between their two dwellings are not immediately obvious. Jenny's neighbour more than likely went to the same school as she did. While in Dublin or Galway her neighbour would have been sent to an exclusive fee-paying school like Blackrock College or the King's Hospital, those same opportunities don't exist this far out in the countryside and driving 50 miles to the nearest private school is not a feasible option. Because of this, Jenny and her neighbour are more than likely part of the same social circle. Anyway, Jenny drives to her workplace, a small agricultural supply centre with 12 other staff. Their relationship with their boss is cordial given the size of the workforce and, if she is unionised, major industrial issues only occasionally arise. This is how Jenny experiences the world on a day to day basis.

Mary has a very different experience.

Mary lives on a large working-class estate of over a hundred houses in North Dublin. Her neighbours generally share the same social background, social circle and, while there are differences in income, these are not major and don't reflect in the type of houses they live in. When Mary leaves for work she passes by streets of opulent wealthy houses. These houses are often surrounded by high walls and gates and she knows from experience that the provision of services tends to favour this area over her own. The contrast between this area and her own are staggering despite the fact that they are less than 2 miles apart. Mary reaches her workplace, an office building employing around 200 people. Mary is friendly with many of the staff. Her boss is a distant, authoritarian figure who may live in one of those big houses we mentioned earlier while the actual owners of the multinational that employ them may never have even set foot in the building. This is how Mary experiences the world on a day to day basis.

Obviously those two example are massively simplified generalisations and neither are going to relate exactly to any particular person. However, what we can draw from them is this: Even though Jenny and Mary exist in the same class relationship, they experience that same relationship in very different ways and a big part of this is to do with the dynamics of class and space

What do I mean by class? There are many different frameworks for understanding class, from the one favoured by the government - occupational class as recorded on census returns - to the more outlandish concepts favoured by postmodernist social scientists. In my view, the best framework for viewing class relations is that of Marxism. The Marxist view is that class is based on the power relationships that exist at the heart of capitalist society. At the centre of these power relationships are the means of production: Capital, machinery, assets etc. which are owned by the capitalist class. Since workers do not posess these things, or indeed, aside from a house or a car, very little private property, they can only make a living by selling their labour power to the capitalists, who own the other things necessary to produce goods and services. As such class is not defined by wealth, though obviously massive differences in wealth and income are a by-product of capitalism, but by economic power. Simply put, Class:

stands for those broad aggregates of people which can be classified together by an objective criterion - because they stand in a similar relationship to the means of production - and more especially the groupings of exploiters and exploited which, for purely economic reasons, are found in all human societies beyond the primitive communal and, as Marx would argue, until the triumph of proletarian revolution. (Eric Hobsbawm, 'Class Consciousness in History' in Istvan Meszaros, Aspects of History and Class Consciousness, pp.5-6)

There are multiple reasons why I feel this is the best framework, which I'll probably come back to again, but for the moment all you need to know is that this is the framework I am using when I talk about class.

So basically, class happens in the workplace, but this is not necessarily where most people experience class most profoundly. This was particularly the case during the 1990s and early 2000s when the level of class struggle in the workplace was historically low, the role of shop stewards was diminished and social partnership managed to contain the class tensions that did exist. But people still encountered class, just in different ways. People saw how the health service reflected class divisions in ensuring those with good insurance would get the same operations that public patients had to wait months for, through anti-water charges campaigns and a multitude of other ways. Where space and geography enter into this is the fact that geography is central to people's mental landscape. It seems natural, but when you think about it, very bizarre just how strong ideas like 'northside' and 'southside' in Cork and Dublin actually are. Why should a river define your concept of place so profoundly? Yet, these mental geographies are deeply powerful on a fundamental level. Class too influences this mental landscape. One of the most powerful expressions of class difference I ever experienced was when walking from Lover's Walk in Cork to the North Ring Road. The walk is only ten or fifteen minutes long, but in that brief stroll you go from a centre of disgustingly opulent wealth to some of the poorest, most neglected areas of the city. Coming from outside the city, I found this absolutely amazing, but for people living in either of those areas, the existence of class, inscribed onto the city landscape itself, is both clear and profound.

So, what has all this got to do with Luke Flanagan?

Luke Flanagan is part of a long line of populist non-ideological political figures in Irish politics. This lineage includes people like Jackie Healy Rae, Seán Dublin Bay Loftus, Mattie McGrath and various others. I should stress that I use this definition broadly and it would be highly unfair to compare Ming with Jackie Healy Rae for obvious reasons. Ming is undoubtedly a lot more intelligent and tuned in than Healy Rae or his children. Similarly these figures are not isolated to rural areas or indeed to independents. Noel O'Flynn in Cork is (was) an excellent, and repellant, example of this kind of politician. What links these figures is that while for the most part they are right-wing in practice, the way they present themselves and win votes is based on their status as 'ordinary guys' and as local men, as distinct from the usual politicians who are seen as remote and elitist by constituents. This localism can be seen in Flanagan's maiden speech to the Dáil: Note 'West of Ireland Man' and the 'people of Roscommon and Leitrim'.

What is the link between these guys and what we were talking about earlier? It has to do with how the intensification of clsss relations, and therefore class consciousness, impacts on politics. As we've seen, intensification and development of consciousness happens much more easily in a city or big town than a village. When the geography and landscape of class is not so obvious, for example in Kerry or Roscommon, people understand politics through a different lens. So for a man living in Castlerea, the idea that the problems he faces are not the result of the division of power between classes, does not necessarily come naturally. However, the idea that these problems are the result of a division between a marginal, rural, underdeveloped area and Dublin, the 'big smoke', the seat of power, wealth and industry, a division between the metropolitan centre and the rural periphery, seems more intuitive. Additionally, because of the marginality of his home and community, it is natural that he should feel powerless about affecting change on a national level. National politics 'happens' in the urban centre of power, so the appeal of localism increases. Jackie Healy Rae, it must be remembered, did actually fix the potholes, which is more good than any Fine Gaeler ever did for Kerry.

However, such politicians are a dying breed. The scale of the crisis has meant the awareness that there are conflicting social forces at work in society and that their interest are mutually antagonistic has become much more widespread in both country and city. It's also not true that left-wing ideas cannot find fertile ground in rural areas. During the Irish revolution most of the Soviets that sprang up in workplaces were in small towns and villages (Limerick excepted) while much of the social radicalism of the 1960s revolved around countryside issues like fishing rights, ground rents and land agitation. The Worker's Party won it's first TD in Mallow, not Dublin. This year's election also saw the success of Séamus Healy of the Workers Unemployed Action Group who have established a strong following in South Tipperary while Thomas Pringle, undoubtedly a man of the left, took a seat in Donegal. What TWAG show in my opinion, is just how important the role of an activist party is in fostering class consciousness.

So how can parties of the radical left imitate Healy's success in South Tipp? Linking local issues to national ones is crucial. A campaign to save a hospital can be diverted into localist channels by the likes of Mattie McGrath but a party that links this issue to the need for reforming the health service completely can cut across this sort of thing. Also, issues of margin and periphery, dismissed by some on the urban left, shouldn't be ignored. I was struck by this leaflet over on Irish election literature:

Well why shouldn't Mayo get an airport? If it provides jobs and services then why the hell not? This leaflet plays into a different but equally reactionary localism to that of Jackie Healy Rae or Mattie McGrath. Parts of Ireland that are dying due to a lack of infrastructure or development shouldn't be dismissed because they're outside the pale.

But I digress. The interesting thing about these populist TDs is that the way they present themselves, as the ordinary guy, representing the little fella has strong echoes of Fianna Fáil's populist message from the 1930s onwards, where they managed to contain the development of class politics through concessions to the working-class in terms of housing and social welfare combined with an ideology that appealed to workers, small farmers etc. but that still denied the centrality of class. It seems odd to describe FF as non-ideological, given their right-wing policies over the past few decades, but even an event as absurd as Bertie trying to describe himself as a socialist reflected Fianna Fáil's reluctance to openly embrace a right-wing identity. What's sure though is that the crisis and the collapse of Fianna Fáil has shaken the foundations of Irish politics to the core. Shane Ross, when interviewed on RTE after his election victory, congratulated Joe Higgins and explained that even at that point in the count (Saturday afternoon) there was an ideological dividing line being established in the Irish political system that hadn't previously existed. Healy Rae and Mattie McGrath may have clung to their seats but they seem increasingly like an anachronism as the lines of left and right are being drawn within the Irish political system.

A Wonderful New Resource

2011-03-12T21:56:00.001Z

Political and other historical postcards from the Linen Hall library. Be careful if you're planning on doing any actual work, I ended up spending an hour looking at these.

All available here

North West Spanish Civil War Commemoration Events

2011-03-11T21:47:00.002Z

Via the Irish Labour History Society:

The North West Spanish Civil War Project was established to honour all those from counties Derry, Tyrone and Donegal who played a role in the International Brigades. We are pleased to announce that in 2011 we will have a series of events to commemorate the 75th anniversary of the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War and to ensure that the names of the 24 local men who went to Spain in the fight against fascism are never forgotten.

From the outset our aim has been to remember and honour the role played by volunteers from the North West of Ireland, who participated in the International Brigades. The men involved were ordinary working class people who came together in a foreign land, sacrificing their lives for an ideal, and with this year being the 75th anniversary we will create a lasting tribute to those involved.

At present we have a number of events scheduled for the year ahead to coincide with the anniversary. The main event will undoubtedly be the dedication of a bronze plaque in the city centre of Derry to these volunteers. Plans are also afoot for the launch of a publication by local lecturer and Irish labour historian Dr. Emmet O'Connor that will examine the lives and backgrounds of those involved, and the roles in which each of them played in defence of the Spanish Republic.

Over the coming months, we will be publicising the events through the local media and on our website as dates and venues become finalised. If you would like to support the project or have information on the volunteers you can contact the project:
email on: xvbrigade@hotmail.com
Visit our website:
http://www.nopasaran.netfirms.com/

China Mieville: Politics in the most unlikely of places

2011-03-11T17:49:00.008Z

Some of you may be familiar with the work of China Mieville, that rarest of beasts, a Marxist fantasy and science fiction author (he is a long time member of the SWP and was even an election candidate). I'm a big fan myself and his work has attracted a wide audience alongside copious amounts of critical praise. However, Mieville has not shied away from producing novels and short stories that reflect his Marxist politics. Iron Council in particular doesn't hesitate in marrying revolutionary Marxism to fantasy literature, a genre usually better known for its creative and political conservatism, while his most famous creation, the city of 'New Crubazon', is a not especially subtle allegory for humanity under capitalism. However, alongside these deeper explorations of revolutionary change and so forth, Mieville also clearly has a sense of humour (a necessity for survival in the British far-left) and experienced socialists ought to get a kick from stories like this one. If you don't want to read the whole thing then just have a look at this quotation:

'I moved on. A man stepped into my path. He was part of a group of sharp-dressed types at the edges of the crowd. He sneered and gave me a leaflet.

'INSTITUTE OF LIVING MARXIST IDEAS.

'Why We Are Not Marching.

'We view with disdain the pathetic attempts of the old Left to revive this Christian ceremony. The notion that the government has 'stolen' 'our' Christmas is just part of the prevailing Fear Culture that we reject. It is time for a re-evaluation beyond left and right, and for dynamic forces to reinvigorate society. Only last month, we at the ILMI organised a conference at the ICA on why strikes are boring and hunting is the new black...'

I really couldn't make head or tail of it. I threw it away'

The more astute leftist trainspotters among you will have recognised the reference to the notorious 'Why the Socialist Labour League is not Marching' leaflet produced by Gerry Healy's followers in a now infamous display of paranoia and sillyness. These references are not why I like his work, but I do like that Mieville does occasionally wink at socialist activists through his fiction.

Anyway, I have to say that when I started reading Un Lun Dun, Mieville's first novel aimed at the young adult market, that I really wasn't expecting one one of these 'winks' to show up, given the target audience. I was pleasantly surprised to be proved wrong a mere 55 pages in:

'Obaday took them past a house-sized fist, carved out of stone with windows in its knuckles....'

Bottom right hand corner of the page, third building from the right. Yep, that symbol should be more than familiar to socialist activists:

which is itself based on the old logo of the Militant tendency:

So, that most potent symbol of revolutionary socialism, the clenched fist of insurrection raised defiantly in the air has been re-imagined as a dwelling in an alternative fantasy London. Thanks for the wink China.

Joe Higgins addresses the new Dáil

2011-03-09T14:51:00.001Z

“The outgoing regime indulged the profiteering speculator and the grasping bankers, imprisoning a generation of young working people in monstrous mortgages, now in negative equity. And when that greedfest inevitably choked on its own excess, it treacherously connived with the EU, IMF and the ECB to save the skins of the major European banks that had their snouts deep in the feeding trough that was the Irish property market, where they slurped as frenetically as any Fianna Fáil developer or big Irish banker.

“And for this, and the crash that inevitably resulted, now we see the savage attacks on the living standards of our people which this nominee for government intends to continue. They attack public services, they steal from the disabled and the poor. A revolution would overturn and reverse all that, but what this nominee for taoiseach proposes is to confirm and reinstate the discredited programme by a discredited government. The poisonous cocktail of austerity drawn up, concocted by the witch doctors in Brussels and in Frankfurt because of the sickness of the European financial system is to continue to be force-fed to the Irish people by this new proposed government.

“Nearly 100 years ago, the forebears of today’s speculating European financiers, and their political clients, plunged Europe into war in a vicious competition for markets, for raw materials, and profits. The Irish parliamentary party of the day will forever be remembered in infamy for its campaign to dragoon a generation of youth to feed the insatiable appetite of the imperial war makers.”

Also before the opening of the Dáil:

International Womens Day

2011-03-08T15:13:00.000Z

Absolutely brilliant

Some Joe Higgins Speeches

2011-03-07T16:13:00.000Z

Joe Higgins webcam speech to Socialist Party of England and Wales following the gains made by the Socialist Party and United Left Alliance in the general election

From quite a bit ago, Joe Higgins speaks at a Socialist Alternative public meeting in Minneapolis

Antifascistas Exhibition

2011-03-06T15:40:00.002Z

'Antifascistas', an exhibition of material taken from the International Brigade Archive at the Marx Memorial Library, mainly to do with British and Irish Volunteers who fought for the Spanish Republic, will be on display at the Irish Labour History Society museum and archives at Beggars Bush from Monday 16th to Friday 27th of May from 10.30am - 4.30pm daily. The exhibition is reviewed here.

I believe they call it a 'shout out'.....

2011-03-05T16:26:00.001Z

Two new blogs for your perusal:

Emerald Bile

21st Century Partisan

Ex-Westlife Wanker Brian McFadden advocates Date-Rape

2011-03-05T01:26:00.002Z

Yup....

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When it was suggested to Brian that stalking a woman 'drunk as shit' at the bar and then taking her back to his house to 'do some damage' and 'take advantage' was pretty hard to interpret as anything except date rape he was incensed at the 'super-intelligent reaction' to his song. Well this is a new low for one of the worst popstars in the history of the world. Disgusting lyrics and abhorrent music.

Seriously Brian, strap your balls to a mace and fling it off a cliff.

Books Worth Waiting For

2011-03-03T23:10:00.002Z

So, what might a discerning Irish Marxist such as myself be looking forward to in terms of reading material this year? I've already read Hobsbawm's latest work, the excellent Tales of Marx and Marxism, as well as something a little bit older but still very relevant in the form of Richard J. Evans' In Defence of History. So what's there to look out for in the coming months? Well...

1. Sins of the Father: Tracing the Decisions that Shaped the Irish Economy by Conor McCabe is now available for pre-order on Amazon. For those of you who haven't been following Conor over on Dublin Opinion, the book is essentially a history of Irish political economy from the founding of the state to the present day, focusing on the historical roots of the current crisis. If you've been following Conor's posts you'll know that the book, at a modest 220 pages, is going to seriously challenge the orthodox narrative of the Irish economy and will be the first book on the economic collapse, with the exception of Kieran Allen's Ireland's Economic Crash, that examines the death of the Celtic Tiger from a historically grounded, Marxist perspective. It is disappointing that he didn't go with my suggestion of 'The Rocky Road to NAMA' for the title but this is definetely one to look out for. Speaking of left responses to the crisis....

2. Ireland's Economic History: Crisis and Uneven Development in the North and South by Gerard McCann is due out in August 2011. I don't know a great deal about McCann except that his background is in development studies and that he is a lecturer in European Studies at QUB. Like McCabe he appears to be challenging the dominant consensus on the economic collapse, but interestingly, he is coming at it from an all-Ireland angle, focusing on the island economy as a whole. According to the amazon blurb, the book promises to highlight how 'aggresive differentiation has been divisive and destabilising' for both the Northern and Southern economies. This is another one to look out for and the focus on the all-Ireland economy is an approach that hasn't really been used since Neo-Marxist theorists went to great lengths to disassociate themselves from Connolly School left-republicanism. Whatever way the final book turns out, this is one to look out for.

3. A Labour History of Ireland: 1824-2000 by Emmett O'Connor is a new expanded edition of his Labour History of Ireland: 1824 to 1960. I'm a big fan of O'Connor's work on Irish communism and other aspects of labour history but (unfortunately) like most people I have yet to read his most ambitous work. Having seen the new version advertised on Amazon, I decided I'd wait for this rather than shelling out 20/30 quid for the old version. I haven't read it so I can't really comment except to say that it is the closest thing to a Marxist / Materialist history of the Irish state and society currently available. The only comparable works would be the awful Ireland Her Own by T.A Jackson or the little better A History of the Irish Working-Class by Peter Beresford Ellis. Again, this is one that I'm quite looking forward to, especially as it intersects with my own research.

4. On the Run: The Story of an Irish Freedom Fighter by Colm O'Gaora, translated by Micheál O'hAodha and edited by Ruan O'Donnell. This coming June, this primary account of the Irish Revolution by an important republican figure will now finally be available for those, such as myself, who lack a grounding in the aul teanga dúchais. O'Gaora's memoirs will fill an important gap in terms of sources relating to the revolution in the west of Ireland which, compared to say Munster, are few and far between. Not really much to add, except that I'm a great admirer of Ruan O'Donnell who I think is currently taking on the mammoth challenge of a writing a trilogy on the modern republican movement, from the border campaign onwards. This I am looking forward to since the current sole volume on the border campaign, Soldiers of Folly by Barry Flynn, is a bit shit. Finally, when I'm sick of all this history and need to unwind with a good novel...

5. City of Bohane by Kevin Barry. I was a massive fan of Kevin Barry's clever, humorous columns in the Irish Examiner a few years ago and was extremely disappointed when he vanished from the backpage. I felt a bit better when I found out that this was in order that he could complete work on his first short-story collection There Are Little Kingdoms. The collection was a mixed bag, but on the whole, excellent. Barry's fiction, like his journalism, combines a wry sense of homour with deep and genuine insights into contemporary Irish society. This is his first novel and one that I intend to wolf down as soon as I can. For an example of Barry's fiction, though far from his best, check out Fjord of Killary, published in the prestigous New Yorker.

Well that's pretty much it. If anyone has anything else they feel deserves a place on my wishlist drop me a comment.

That election business....

2011-03-01T13:57:00.002Z

Today is a good day

'The Lumpenproletariat Make Marvellous Music' Eric Hobsbawm Talk, London 25/02/2011

2011-02-28T22:02:00.000Z

Well just as those elections were going on I had the opportunity to see Eric Hobsbawm, the most famous Marxist historian of our age, deliver an increasingly rare talk in London's wonderful Bishopsgate Library. Given Hobsbawm's age I was lucky to have this opportunity to hear him speak considering that his talks are likely to become fewer. About 150-200 attended, a mix of the old London Socialist Historian stalwarts and quite a few young people, to hear him promote his new book: 'How to Change the World: Tales of Marx and Marxism' (reviewed over on Cedar Lounge.) My notes are, er, patchy at best but I tried to summarise the talk as best I could. The whole thing was only about an hour long and stuck to a format where a theme would be mentioned to which Hobsbawm responded, followed by questions from the audience. Themes and audience questions are in bold while summaries of his responses follow. Any comments of my own are in italics.

Interpreting the world and changing it.

When I last spoke to Dotty Thompson she mentioned that 'an awful thing about getting old is that people don't listen to you. They merely regard you as an historic source.' The majority of Marxists become so because of political engagement. The same is true of anti-marxists. The fortunes of Marxism have always depended on people's real situation. When capitalism finds itself in trouble, a critique and a guide to action become vital. This was true of Russia in 1890s, Europe in the 1930s and with the rise of mass working-class parties from the 1880s onwards. When Marxism doesn't seem directly relevant to people's lives, as in the last two decades, it goes into decline.

This period coincided with a decline in the working-class and saw the parties derived from Marxism, Social Democratic and Communist alike, either abandon their traditional politics or enter into decline. This situation has changed though and only an analysis of where we are going and what sections of society are capable of being agents of change can provide a path forward for the socialist project.

I disagree with Hobsbawm's interpretation regarding the working-class. His definition of what a worker is is, to my mind, far too narrow and indeed, much narrower than Marx's own view. The working-class has changed considerably and its political and industrial representation has declined, as has class consciousness more generally, but the working-class remain the most important force in society in terms of enacting change. He is correct about employing a Marxist analysis to see what other sections of society can also perform a progressive or even transformative role though.

Marxists in the 20th century had to 'make it up as they went along.' This is applicable both to social-democratic parties and the old communist states. Marx wrote little about building a socialist economy or society due to the fact that he and Engels took a pragmatic, political approach, focusing on a critique of capitalism and politically organising the working-class as a transformative force. Even the Gotha programme doesn't get you far in enacting fundamental socialist change. 20th c. Marxists couldn't go back to the classic texts but make it up as they went along.

However, they did have some guidance in the form of state and municipal enterprises under capitalism. There was also the experience of the first world war economies, which were planned and managed in order to prosecute the war. Lenin was influenced ny the Russian electrical industry where he had some supporters. Because of this you can't blame Marx or Engels for 20th century developments. When Lenin faced issues that other Marxists hadn't, he didn't return to the texts but analysed the concrete situation. Imperialism for example has very few quotations from any of the classic Marxist texts and quite a great deal of new research.

Changing the world in the 21st century / The Revolutions in the Arab World / Experience of the last 100 years / Can History be changed in a conscious direction?

Marx was not a voluntarist. He didn't believe change could be willed but that people, classes and even organisations could intervene meaningfully into historical events and processes. Problems could not be solved simply by historical process but by human action.

The terrible consequences of the October revolution was that of a mass Marxist party coming to power in a country not yet ready for socialist revolution and the failure of this to spark successful revolutions in those countries that were capable of doing so. The problem after the end of the post-war revolutionary wave was that of 'Storming Heaven', creating the conditions for socialism to flourish by will alone. This was wrong and flew in the face of Marx's ideas and analysis.

Human intervention is key to historical development. Building railways and continental cables were actions undertaken by human beings that caused massive historical changes. Political action hasn't been that effective, but it has been powerful. Revolutions have been effective in the short-term and powerful in the long term.

The current situation in the Arab world brings me back to the my youth, with masses of ordinary people organising to effect profound political change. It is, to my mind, to the modern Arab world what the revolutions of 1848 were to Europe, events that irrevocably changed European politics forever.
This is an interesting comparision. It would have been great if he had expanded on this.

Environmental Catastrophe

Capitalism is utterly incapable of solving the modern environmental crisis. It is a problem that cannot be solved by entrepeunerial actions or be growth. Indeed the opposite is the case. It can only be solved by public and global action. The environmental situation is so grave for countries and for people (possible agents of change) that change must be achieved to prevent catastrophe. To do this requires global action.

The audience were now given the opportunity to ask questions

Why has Marxist economics been so marginalised?

Marxist economics' marginal status cannot simply be attributed to suppresion or anti-communism. As economics established itself in academia, dissident economists of all stripes, not just Marxists, were cut out and limited from becoming part of this process. Marxism and socially engaged economic theories were marginalised by those based primarily on mathematical technique, which could be employed instrumentally by states and by businesses. Marx did not think of economics as a tool for running enterprises but as something much broader.

However Marxist economics went wrong by ignoring real changes in the social economy. This started after the war when effective analysis declined in favour of quotations. In the 50s and 60s a new type of social economy was recognised by dissident social democrats, but not by Marxists.

The official economic theories that have dominated academia for the last few decades have, basically, refused to recognise the existence of crises. They simply didn't fit in with the orthodoxy. With the current global crisis, the more technical side of Marxism should become more relevant.

A return of fascism?

Fascism was a uniquely 20th century phenomenon, as indeed was Russian style communism. However, the possibility of reactionary demagogic regimes is very much on the cards. We have cause for optimism but also for caution, particularly due to the weakening of the left as a mobiliser of rebellion.

The USA has massive power but doesn't know what to with it. Elaborate.

The U.S power bloc was designed to keep another power bloc at bay. This is not the situation today. For example, what good are nukes in Iraq or Afghanisatan? The U.S.A is in decline both as a state and a world power. It's high technology base doesn't help it when it is not the number one hegemonic force.

Has the role of the lumpenproletariat been neglected in Marxist analysis?

The lumpenproletariat produces marvellous music but is not an agent of change. For example the youth in France in 1968. They didn't lead a revolution but pretended they were.
Note: There seemed to be some confusion between the audience member who posed this and Eric himself over the definition of 'lumpenproletariat', which has always been hazy at best. Eric took this to mean bohemians while the audience member seemed to be using the term in the Frantz Fanon sense. However, the claim that the mass rising of 1968 was simply students and bohemians pretending to have a revolution is deeply insulting and, quite simply, wrong. Were the people left permanently blinded by tear gas cannisters thrown into crowded spaces in Paris just having a laugh? Were the occupations of workplaces across the country just pretend? As much as I enjoy Eric Hobsbawm's work, his politics are still deeply defined by his experience in the Communist party and it is far easier to denigrate the '68 revolutionaries then face up to their betrayal by the Communist Party.

20th Century Communism. What should we take from it and what should be abandoned and left die?

The spirit hasn't died. The dream of liberating the world through liberating the working-class and the dream of a better world remain very much alive. What also remains is the materialist conception of history, the best way of understanding the world. The other legacy we have inherited is the Marxist critique of capitalism and the discovery that capitalism isn't permanent but is a particular historical phenomenon. This is absolutely essential. Finally, we have still with us today the hatred of injustice, the anger that a small minority have wealth beyond contemplation while billions live in poverty, and most of all, the desire to change this.

Standing Ovation

So yeah, it was an interesting talk all in all and, significantly, one with a far more optimistic tone than Hobsbawm's work in the last two decades. He seemed particularly inspired by the uprisings in Egypt, Tunisia etc. and when talking about these events seemed to have the spirit and hope of a much younger man. I'm glad I was able to attend this, even though it meant missing election day (living in Cork East meant I would probably have simply spoiled my vote though.) Speaking of elections, it goes without saying that I'm delighted by the performance of the ULA and left-independents and by Labour's decision to expose its bankrupcy by entering office. Expect a post later in the week on that.

Mick Murphy - Diary of the GAMA Strike

2011-02-21T12:52:00.003Z

Some of you may remember the GAMA strike from a couple of years back. I certainly do, as it was the campaign that convinced me to join the Socialist Party. The strike was significant for two reasons: Firstly it exposed the corruption and exploitation at the heart of the construction boom and secondly, it was one of the few major industrial actions throughout the era of the Celtic Tiger and Social 'Partnership'. An excellent film made about the strike is still available for free here. While Joe Higgins was by far the most prominent figure in the campaign due to his Dáil seat, SP councillor Mick Murphy played a particularly crucial role in uncovering the scandal and establishing a connection with the workers. Anyway, here is Mick's full diary of the strike. Well worth a read.

Mick Barry Interview

2011-02-09T22:32:00.000Z

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Interview with Socialist Party Councillor Mick Barry from about 4 years ago. Mick now stands a chance of being elected as T.D for Cork North Central.

Political and Economic Consequences of the Crash

2011-02-08T17:54:00.000Z

Excellent article in the current edition of New Left Review by Daniel Finn. It dispells a lot of the myths about the public sector being propounded by Ireland's myopic right-wing commentators and argues in favour of an alliance between the PIGS to resist the IMF-EU dictats. Check it out here.

Joe Higgins - Dun Laoighaire ULA Launch

2011-02-06T16:14:00.001Z

Joe Higgins at Dún Laoghaire launch of Richard Boyd Barretts election campaign. from Paula Geraghty on Vimeo.

Enda Kenny and Vincent Browne

2011-02-05T19:01:00.003Z

Farcical

Report from Limerick ULA Launch

2011-02-04T15:50:00.000Z

Over 120 people crammed into the hall in the Absolute Hotel for last nights launch meeting in Limerick of the United Left Alliance election campaign for their candidate, Cian Prendiville.

Joe Higgins, Socialist Party MEP, speaking speaking at the rally said "We are 24 days away from the most significant general election since the foundation of this state. At the end of these four weeks, politics in Ireland can have taken a big step towards being transformed, with a death blow struck against Fianna Fail and the Greens, and a historic break through for the genuine left with the election of a whole layer of socialist and left TDs. Out of the United Left Alliance can very quickly develop a strong, new mass party for workers and the unemployed. "

Limerick City United Left Alliance candidate, Cian Prendiville, commented "I think in the last week the need for a real alternative in this election has been underlined. Fianna Fail had a leadership contest where no one disagreed with the failed policies of the last years, they just wanted a better spin doctor to front the war on working class people. Fine Gael & Labour showed their true colours by assisting the passage of the Finance Bill which brings into effect the brutal budget they claimed to oppose. Sinn Fein still haven't made their mind up whether they're opposed to cutbacks like they are saying in the south, or whether they would be 'pragmatic' and implement them like they are in Stormount. Now more than ever we need the principled opposition to the cuts and bail outs offered by the Socialist Party and the United Left Alliance. And the evidence from polls and feedback is that the ULA can do very well in this election, winning up to as much as 6 or 7 seats."

Cian Prendiville,s campaign received a big boost yesterday when former independent socialist Limerick City Councillor and Mayor, Joe Harrington, announced that he will join the campaign and encourage people to vote for Cian. In a statement he said "Labour, after its astonishing complicity in getting the Finance Bill through, must not further betray socialist principals by joining Fine Gael in a new government to push through austerity programmes. That would be a further disaster for working class people. A vote for Cian, Joe Higgins and the other ULA candidates around the country will provide a strong alternative to this disastrous approach."

Cian Prendiville welcomed the support saying "this endorsement just goes to show that our election campaign is picking up steam, and can really shake the political establishment in Limerick. Joe Harrington was a strong community campaigner, and was central to the non-payment campaign that defeated water charges in Limerick. The United Left Alliance and the Socialist Party will now seek to carry that banner, and give a voice to working class people of this city."

Full Statement by Joe Harrington

I will be supporting and campaigning with Cian Prendiville in the forthcoming election. Cian is a candidate for the United Left Alliance, a group putting forward a real alternative option for working class people.

Unfortunately, the Labour Party has dropped any sort of a socialist banner it may have been carrying and now offer no fight back against the attacks by the rich and powerful on workers rights and jobs in Ireland and elsewhere in Europe. Labour, after its astonishing complicity in getting the Finance Bill through, must not further betray socialist principals by joining Fine Gael in a new government to push through austerity programmes. That would be a further disaster for working class people. A vote for Cian, Joe Higgins and the other ULA candidates around the country will provide a strong alternative to this disastrous approach.

The ULA is part of the development of movements and organisations across Europe and internationally which fight the attacks on workers, the unemployed and the poor and to fight for a new vision for society. Since the days of the Limerick Soviet, Limerick workers have a proud history of independent action on their own behalf. It would be a shame to now lie down under the worst attacks on our living standards and rights. I believe working people should now vote for Cian Prendiville and set about building the movement to take back what is ours.

Cyprian Brady: Myth and Reality

2011-02-03T00:33:00.004Z

AK of the Irish Election Literature Blog has posted FF TD Cyprian Brady's letter to constituents. To the lay observer, this piece of literature seems disconnected from the lives of ordinary people to the point of farce. However, to the best of my abilities, I have endeavoured to reconcile this document with reality.

'The Strong New leadership of Micheál Martin'
We have chosen a very talented captain for our sinking ship

'Dublin Central needs politicians who are local and experienced'
I don't have much going for me but I'm old and not a culchie.

'We have many reasons to be hopeful'
Only a few months until the second series of the Walking Dead.

'This country has a strong base on which we can build'
More houses?

'An education system is in place that allows our young people to realise their dreams'
Please note, these dreams must involve either emigration or working in a call centre.

'We have a modern transport infrastructure that stretches from one end of the country to another'
Now you too can experience the joys of Leitrim!

'If elected I will continue to work with people as people - people living in a real community'
For several years I was under the impression that I was working with werewolves in a shoebox.

'My priorities will continue to be . . . to work closely with schools at all levels to make sure our young people have choices about their future'
London or Manchester?

'I hope to meet you in the course of the campaign to discuss what I can do for you and the community'
Unless what you and the community want is for me to fuck off.

'I thank you in advance for your courtesy and support'
Please don't hurt me.

Something a Wee Bit Different

2011-02-02T03:26:00.001Z

'The market fanatics are going to kill off every humane, life-enhancing, generous, imaginative and decent corner of our public life': Philip Pullman, Working Class Hero

2011-01-31T03:43:00.001Z

It is significant that the battle against the Tory axe-men has seen some of the most likely individuals come forward as the most erudite and militant in their oppostion to the anti-working class crusade of Cameron and Osborne. First Paul O'Grady, and now Philip Pullman, have articulated the feelings of anger and indignation felt by most ordinary people in the face of vicious and ill-thought austerity cuts far more effectively than Miliband and his so-called 'opposition party'. This is one of the best pieces of polemic writing / oratory I've ever read and has honestly stirred me in a way that only Mary Wollstonecraft, Leon Trotsky, James Connolly or Tony Benn at his finest have ever managed. So here I present the full speech via False Economy:

You don’t need me to give you the facts. Everyone here is aware of the situation. The government, in the Dickensian person of Mr Eric Pickles, has cut the money it gives to local government, and passed on the responsibility for making the savings to local authorities. Some of them have responded enthusiastically, some less so; some have decided to protect their library service, others have hacked into theirs like the fanatical Bishop Theophilus in the year 391 laying waste to the Library of Alexandria and its hundreds of thousands of books of learning and scholarship.

Here in Oxfordshire we are threatened with the closure of 20 out of our 43 public libraries. Mr Keith Mitchell, the leader of the county council, said in the Oxford Times last week that the cuts are inevitable, and invites us to suggest what we would do instead. What would we cut? Would we sacrifice care for the elderly? Or would youth services feel the axe?

I don’t think we should accept his invitation. It’s not our job to cut services. It’s his job to protect them.

Nor do I think we should respond to the fatuous idea that libraries can stay open if they’re staffed by volunteers. What patronising nonsense. Does he think the job of a librarian is so simple, so empty of content, that anyone can step up and do it for a thank-you and a cup of tea? Does he think that all a librarian does is to tidy the shelves? And who are these volunteers? Who are these people whose lives are so empty, whose time spreads out in front of them like the limitless steppes of central Asia, who have no families to look after, no jobs to do, no responsibilities of any sort, and yet are so wealthy that they can commit hours of their time every week to working for nothing? Who are these volunteers? Do you know anyone who could volunteer their time in this way? If there’s anyone who has the time and the energy to work for nothing in a good cause, they are probably already working for one of the voluntary sector day centres or running a local football team or helping out with the league of friends in a hospital. What’s going to make them stop doing that and start working in a library instead?

Especially since the council is hoping that the youth service, which by a strange coincidence is also going to lose 20 centres, will be staffed by – guess what – volunteers. Are these the same volunteers, or a different lot of volunteers?

This is the Big Society, you see. It must be big, to contain so many volunteers.

But there’s a prize being dangled in front of these imaginary volunteers. People who want to save their library, we’re told, are going to be “allowed to bid” for some money from a central pot. We must sit up and beg for it, like little dogs, and wag our tails when we get a bit.

The sum first mentioned was £200,000. Divide that between the 20 libraries due for closure and it comes to £10,000 each, which doesn’t seem like very much to me. But of course it’s not going to be equally divided. Some bids will be preferred, others rejected. And then comes the trick: they “generously” increase the amount to be bid for. It’s not £200,000. It’s £600,000. It’s a victory for the volunteers. Hoorah for the Big Society! We’ve “won” some more money!

Oh, but wait a minute. This isn’t £600,000 for the libraries. It turns out that that sum is to be bid for by everyone who runs anything at all. All those volunteers bidding like mad will soon chip away at the £600,000. A day care centre here, a special transport service there, an adult learning course somewhere else, all full of keen-eyed volunteers bidding away like mad, and before you know it the amount available to libraries has suddenly shrunk. Why should libraries have a whole third of all the Big Society money?

But just for the sake of simplicity let’s imagine it’s only libraries. Imagine two communities that have been told their local library is going to be closed. One of them is full of people with generous pension arrangements, plenty of time on their hands, lots of experience of negotiating planning applications and that sort of thing, broadband connections to every household, two cars in every drive, neighbourhood watch schemes in every road, all organised and ready to go. Now I like people like that. They are the backbone of many communities. I approve of them and of their desire to do something for their villages or towns. I’m not knocking them.

But they do have certain advantages that the other community, the second one I’m talking about, does not. There people are out of work, there are a lot of single parent households, young mothers struggling to look after their toddlers, and as for broadband and two cars, they might have a slow old computer if they’re lucky and a beaten-up old van and they dread the MOT test – people for whom a trip to the centre of Oxford takes a lot of time to organise, a lot of energy to negotiate, getting the children into something warm, getting the buggy set up and the baby stuff all organised, and the bus isn’t free, either – you can imagine it. Which of those two communities will get a bid organised to fund their local library?

But one of the few things that make life bearable for the young mother in the second community at the moment is a weekly story session in the local library, the one just down the road. She can go there with the toddler and the baby and sit in the warmth, in a place that’s clean and safe and friendly, a place that makes her and the children welcome. But has she, have any of the mothers or the older people who use the library got all that hinterland of wealth and social confidence and political connections and administrative experience and spare time and energy to enable them to be volunteers on the same basis as the people in the first community? And how many people can volunteer to do this, when they’re already doing so much else?

What I personally hate about this bidding culture is that it sets one community, one group, one school, against another. If one wins, the other loses. I’ve always hated it. It started coming in when I left the teaching profession 25 years ago, and I could see the way things were going then. In a way it’s an abdication of responsibility. We elect people to decide things, and they don’t really want to decide, so they set up this bidding nonsense and then they aren’t really responsible for the outcome. “Well, if the community really wanted it, they would have put in a better bid … Nothing I can do about it … My hands are tied …”
And it always results in victory for one side and defeat for the other. It’s set up to do that. It’s imported the worst excesses of market fundamentalism into the one arena that used to be safe from them, the one part of our public and social life that used to be free of the commercial pressure to win or to lose, to survive or to die, which is the very essence of the religion of the market. Like all fundamentalists who get their clammy hands on the levers of political power, the market fanatics are going to kill off every humane, life-enhancing, generous, imaginative and decent corner of our public life. I think that little by little we’re waking up to the truth about the market fanatics and their creed. We’re coming to see that old Karl Marx had his finger on the heart of the matter when he pointed out that the market in the end will destroy everything we know, everything we thought was safe and solid. It is the most powerful solvent known to history. “Everything solid melts into air,” he said. “All that is holy is profaned.”

Market fundamentalism, this madness that’s infected the human race, is like a greedy ghost that haunts the boardrooms and council chambers and committee rooms from which the world is run these days.

In the world I know about, the world of books and publishing and bookselling, it used to be the case that a publisher would read a book and like it and publish it. They’d back their judgement on the quality of the book and their feeling about whether the author had more books in him or in her, and sometimes the book would sell lots of copies and sometimes it wouldn’t, but that didn’t much matter because they knew it took three or four books before an author really found his or her voice and got the attention of the public. And there were several successful publishers who knew that some of their authors would never sell a lot of copies, but they kept publishing them because they liked their work. It was a human occupation run by human beings. It was about books, and people were in publishing or bookselling because they believed that books were the expression of the human spirit, vessels of delight or of consolation or enlightenment.

Not any more, because the greedy ghost of market madness has got into the controlling heights of publishing. Publishers are run by money people now, not book people. The greedy ghost whispers into their ears: Why are you publishing that man? He doesn’t sell enough. Stop publishing him. Look at this list of last year’s books: over half of them weren’t bestsellers. This year you must only publish bestsellers. Why are you publishing this woman? She’ll only appeal to a small minority. Minorities are no good to us. We want to double the return we get on each book we publish.

So decisions are made for the wrong reasons. The human joy and pleasure goes out of it; books are published not because they’re good books but because they’re just like the books that are in the bestseller lists now, because the only measure is profit.

The greedy ghost is everywhere. That office block isn’t making enough money: tear it down and put up a block of flats. The flats aren’t making enough money: rip them apart and put up a hotel. The hotel isn’t making enough money: smash it to the ground and put up a multiplex cinema. The cinema isn’t making enough money: demolish it and put up a shopping mall.

The greedy ghost understands profit all right. But that’s all he understands. What he doesn’t understand is enterprises that don’t make a profit, because they’re not set up to do that but to do something different. He doesn’t understand libraries at all, for instance. That branch – how much money did it make last year? Why aren’t you charging higher fines? Why don’t you charge for library cards? Why don’t you charge for every catalogue search? Reserving books – you should charge a lot more for that. Those bookshelves over there – what’s on them? Philosophy? And how many people looked at them last week? Three? Empty those shelves and fill them up with celebrity memoirs.

That’s all the greedy ghost thinks libraries are for.

Now of course I’m not blaming Oxfordshire County Council for the entire collapse of social decency throughout the western world. Its powers are large, its authority is awe-inspiring, but not that awe-inspiring. The blame for our current situation goes further back and higher up even than the majestic office currently held by Mr Keith Mitchell. It even goes higher up and further back than the substantial, not to say monumental, figure of Eric Pickles. To find the true origin you’d have to go on a long journey back in time, and you might do worse than to make your first stop in Chicago, the home of the famous Chicago School of Economics, which argued for the unfettered freedom of the market and as little government as possible.
And you could go a little further back to the end of the nineteenth century and look at the ideas of “scientific management”, as it was called, the idea of Frederick Taylor that you could get more work out of an employee by splitting up his job into tiny parts and timing how long it took to do each one, and so on – the transformation of human craftsmanship into mechanical mass production.

And you could go on, further back in time, way back before recorded history. The ultimate source is probably the tendency in some of us, part of our psychological inheritance from our far-distant ancestors, the tendency to look for extreme solutions, absolute truths, abstract answers. All fanatics and fundamentalists share this tendency, which is so alien and unpleasing to the rest of us. The theory says they must do such-and-such, so they do it, never mind the human consequences, never mind the social cost, never mind the terrible damage to the fabric of everything decent and humane.

I’m afraid these fundamentalists of one sort or another will always be with us. We just have to keep them as far away as possible from the levers of power.

But I’ll finish by coming back to libraries. I want to say something about my own relationship with libraries. Apparently Mr Mitchell thinks that we authors who defend libraries are only doing it because we have a vested interest – because we’re in it for the money. I thought the general custom of public discourse was to go through the substantial arguments before descending to personal abuse. If he’s doing it so early in the discussion, it’s a sure sign he hasn’t got much faith in the rest of his case.

No, Mr Mitchell, it isn’t for the money. I’m doing it for love.

I still remember the first library ticket I ever had. It must have been about 1957. My mother took me to the public library just off Battersea Park Road and enrolled me. I was thrilled. All those books, and I was allowed to borrow whichever I wanted! And I remember some of the first books I borrowed and fell in love with: the Moomin books by Tove Jansson; a French novel for children called A Hundred Million Francs; why did I like that? Why did I read it over and over again, and borrow it many times? I don’t know. But what a gift to give a child, this chance to discover that you can love a book and the characters in it, you can become their friend and share their adventures in your own imagination.

And the secrecy of it! The blessed privacy! No-one else can get in the way, no-one else can invade it, no-one else even knows what’s going on in that wonderful space that opens up between the reader and the book. That open democratic space full of thrills, full of excitement and fear, full of astonishment, where your own emotions and ideas are given back to you clarified, magnified, purified, valued. You’re a citizen of that great democratic space that opens up between you and the book. And the body that gave it to you is the public library. Can I possibly convey the magnitude of that gift?

Somewhere in Blackbird Leys, somewhere in Berinsfield, somewhere in Botley, somewhere in Benson or in Bampton, to name only the communities beginning with B whose libraries are going to be abolished, somewhere in each of them there is a child right now, there are children, just like me at that age in Battersea, children who only need to make that discovery to learn that they too are citizens of the republic of reading. Only the public library can give them that gift.

A little later, when we were living in north Wales, there was a mobile library that used to travel around the villages and came to us once a fortnight. I suppose I would have been about sixteen. One day I saw a novel whose cover intrigued me, so I took it out, knowing nothing of the author. It was called Balthazar, by Lawrence Durrell. The Alexandria Quartet – we’re back to Alexandria again – was very big at that time; highly praised, made much fuss of. It’s less highly regarded now, but I’m not in the habit of dissing what I once loved, and I fell for this book and the others, Justine, Mountolive, Clea, which I hastened to read after it. I adored these stories of wealthy cosmopolitan bohemian people having affairs and talking about life and art and things in that beautiful city. Another great gift from the public library.

Then I came to Oxford as an undergraduate, and all the riches of the Bodleian Library, one of the greatest libraries in the world, were open to me – theoretically. In practice I didn’t dare go in. I was intimidated by all that grandeur. I didn’t learn the ropes of the Bodleian till much later, when I was grown up. The library I used as a student was the old public library, round the back of this very building. If there’s anyone as old as I am here, you might remember it. One day I saw a book by someone I’d never heard of, Frances Yates, called Giordano Bruno and the Hermetic Tradition. I read it enthralled and amazed.It changed my life, or at least the intellectual direction in which I was going. It certainly changed the novel, my first, that I was tinkering with instead of studying for my final exams. Again, a life-changing discover, only possible because there was a big room with a lot of books and I was allowed to range wherever I liked and borrow any of them.

One final memory, this time from just a couple of years ago: I was trying to find out where all the rivers and streams ran in Oxford, for a book I’m writing called The Book of Dust. I went to the Central Library and there, with the help of a clever member of staff, I managed to find some old maps that showed me exactly what I wanted to know, and I photocopied them, and now they are pinned to my wall where I can see exactly what I want to know.

The public library, again. Yes, I’m writing a book, Mr Mitchell, and yes, I hope it’ll make some money. But I’m not praising the public library service for money. I love the public library service for what it did for me as a child and as a student and as an adult. I love it because its presence in a town or a city reminds us that there are things above profit, things that profit knows nothing about, things that have the power to baffle the greedy ghost of market fundamentalism, things that stand for civic decency and public respect for imagination and knowledge and the value of simple delight.

I love it for that, and so do the citizens of Summertown, Headington, Littlemore, Old Marston, Blackbird Leys, Neithrop, Adderbury, Bampton, Benson, Berinsfield, Botley, Charlbury, Chinnor, Deddington, Grove, Kennington, North Leigh, Sonning Common, Stonesfield, Woodcote.

And Battersea.

And Alexandria.

Leave the libraries alone. You don’t know the value of what you’re looking after. It is too precious to destroy.

Laois/Offaly ULA Videos

2011-01-28T02:48:00.003Z

Split from Labour

Joining the ULA

Why the Laois/Offaly group joined the United left Alliance? from Paula Geraghty on Vimeo.

Stewart Lee on the Tory Assault on the Arts and Humanities

2011-01-26T15:08:00.001Z

An interesting point here. Is it planned or just a by-product of Tory policy to re-create a world in their own image, a generation of grey-faced bankers and PR men?

The Madness Continues

2011-01-25T02:33:00.001Z

Joan, for fucks sake, a bit of whisht please?

2011-01-25T00:47:00.002Z

New Issue of Saothar

2011-01-21T16:38:00.000Z

Issue 35 of Saothar, the journal of the Irish Labour History Society, is available now via your local city / university library.

Contents

1. Conor McCabe 'The Irish Labour Party and the 1920 local elections'

An excellent article from Conor here. The article's argument is essentially that the Labour Party's 1920 election campaign was not that of a paper organisation but a well organised, well fought campaign fought on a clear programme across the whole of the island. The article goes into some depth on the relationship between Sinn Féin and Labour candidates, the nature of the party programme which contained a mix of revolutionary rhetoric and reformist demands, but was undoubtedly socialist, and some particularly interesting information on Labour candidates in Ulster. The results of the election saw Labour candidates secure 394 seats, ahead of every party except Sinn Féin who secured 550. Conor has written on the Labour Party in this period before over on Dublin Opinion. Of the Labour Party's performance, Conor writes 'it happened, and it needs to be acknowledged, before it can be analysed and understood.' This article should hopefully lead to a reconsideration of some of the dominant assumptions surrounding the Labour Party in the 1920s.

2. John Hogan 'Payback: The Dublin bricklayer's strike, 1920-21'

An interesting account of a lengthy bricklayer's strike that lasted from late 1920 until June of the following year. The article contains some interesting background information on the two unions involved, particulalrly the Ancient Guild of Incorporated Brick and Stonelayers Trade Union (AGIBSLTU), which claimed to be one of the oldest unions in Ireland and played an active role during the War of Independence. The article is particularly interesting in demonstrating how powerful and militant the Labour movement had become between the start of the century and the height of the Anglo-Irish war. In 1905 the AGIBSLTU had suffered a major defeat during a lockout with the employers, but by 1920 the union was capable of launching a militant, well organised strike that resulted in a resounding victory. According to Hogan the AGIBSLTU 'never displayed the slightest signs of weakness' and its rank and file showed unflinching determination throughout the lengthy struggle. There is also some interesting info here on the relationship between the Dublin trade union movement and the national struggle which was then at its height.

3. David Convery 'Irish participation in medical aid to Republican Spain, 1936-39'

A fascinating article by David Convery on Irish involvement in medical aid to Spain. A quick glance through the extensive endnotes makes one appreciate just how difficult Dave's task is, tracking down relatively unknown individuals often just mentioned offhand in memoirs and letters. There is some great biographical information here on a number of Irish individuals who partipated in the defence of the Spanish republic as nurses, ambulance drivers etc., whose work was just as vital to the war effort as those who fought on the front lines. You can follow Dave's research here or read his interesting article on Cork volunteers in the Spanish Civil War here. A more polished version of that article is also available in the journal of the Cork Historical and Archaeological Society.

4. Liam Cullinane 'A happy blend?' Irish republicanism, political violence and social agitation, 1962-69'

My first published scholarly article. For that reason I can't really comment on its quality. It basically argues against the idea that the IRA by 1969 was moribund or had given up on the idea of the armed struggle, contains more information on social agitation carried out by the republican movement in this period and places the tactics of the IRA within an international context. It also argues against Goulding's leadership as being largely a failure and demonstrates how the IRA grew under his leadership (albeit slowly) and greatly increased its public profile.

Essay: Michael Pierse 'The Shadow of Seán: O'Casey, commitment and writing Dublin's working class'

A great Gramscian analysis of Seán O'Casey and other Dublin working-class writers. Pierse basically argues that O'Casey and other writers like Roddy Doyle and Brendan Behan were responding to an Irish Hegemonic cultural discourse focused on a mythical classless rural Ireland that excluded and marginalised the working-class. As such their writing can be described as counter-hegomonic in terms of consciously writing as part of an urban counter-culture. The essay also looks at O'Casey in relation to gender, class, institutional criticism and religion and, unlike other commmentary on O'Casey, doesn't just focus on the Dublin trilogy. This essay for me was the highlight of the issue and I will be keeping a close eye out for a cheap copy of Pierse's book which is currently selling for 50 pounds sterling on Amazon.

There are also obituaries of John B. Smethurst, Justin Keating and Pat Murphy, a biographical note on James Pringle and reviews of:

Francis Devine, Fintan Lane and Niamh Purséil (eds) Essays in Irish Labour History: A Feitschrift for Elizabeth and John W. Boyle
Francis Devine Organising the Union: A Centenary of SIPTU, 1909-2009
John Cunningham, Unlikely Radicals: Irish Post-Primary Teachers and the ASTI, 1909-2009
Fergus Campbell, The Irish Establishment, 1879-1914
Conor Reidy, Ireland's Moral Hospital: The Irish Borstal System 1906-1956
Fintan Lane and Andrew G. Newby (eds) Michael Davitt: New Perspectives
Martin Maguire, Scientific Service: A History of the Union of Professional and Technical Civil Servants, 1920-1990
Fintan Lane (ed.), Politics, Society and the Middle-Class in Modern Ireland
Fearghal McGarry, The Rising - Ireland: Easter 1916

Saothar: Back Issues
It's also good to see that the ILHS has a new website under construction, though the old one was not without it's late 90s charm. It goes without saying that if you have an interest in social history then you should join the ILHS by filling out an application.

Harney Leaves

2011-01-19T23:30:00.000Z

ULA Launch Limerick

2011-01-18T19:41:00.000Z

United Left Alliance Launch in Limerick

February 1st, Absolute Hotel, 8pm

Speakers: Cian Prendeville (SP Candidate for Limerick),

Seamus Healey (WUAG) and Joe Higgins MEP (SP)

So far the Cork meeting has seen over 200 attend and

140 sign up for the election campaign, so lets keep up the good work.

The Kents of Castlelyons

2011-01-18T14:13:00.000Z

It is interesting to think, given how central County Cork would be to the war of independence, the limited role it played in the 1916 rising. Outside of Dublin, there was almost no major fighting. The exceptions to this were in North Dublin where 60 volunteers under the leadership of Thomas Ashe seized a number of key buildings and attacked an RIC barracks, with fatalities ensuing on both sides. There was an attempted attack on the RIC barracks in Enniscorthy which failed and Liam Mellows led a number of attacks on RIC barracks across Galway which eventually fizzled out due to demoralisation. In Cork interestingly, 1200 volunteers assembled in the city but dispersed due to the confusion surrounding MacNeill's countermanding order. It is interesting to consider what would have happened had the Cork units seized buildings. The rising would still almost certainly have failed but 1200 rebels in the second city could have made the British clampdown a far more difficult task.

The only action in Cork then occured near the village of Castlelyons when police attempted to arrest the prominent volunteers Thomas, David, Richard and William Kent. A gun battle ensued that lasted for 3-4 hours. Despite the Kents only having 1 rifle and 3 shotguns the RIC called on the British army to aid them. The battle ended with Richard dead and the other three brothers captured. Thomas was later sentenced to death. Kent station station in Cork is named after him.

Anyway, the reason I'm bringing this up is that I've stumbled upon an interesting short documentary made by RTE in 1966 about the Castlelyons battle. It says just as much about the battle as it does about how the rising was remembered at that time. Anyway, here is the link, via People's Republic of Cork. It requires realplayer which only takes a minute to download and install. Hopefully I'll be able to return to this incident as it makes quite an interesting case study in local popular memory.

Laura Ashley Strikers on Trade Union TV (October 2010)

2011-01-15T06:34:00.000Z

Local Launches of the United Left Alliance

2011-01-14T14:57:00.000Z

List so far:

Cork – January 12th
7:30pm in the Metropole Hotel
Speakers: Cllr Mick Barry, Anne Foley, Joe Higgins MEP, Cllr Seamus Healy, Cllr Richard Boyd Barrett

Carlow – January 20th
7pm in the Seven Oaks Hotel
Speakers: Joe Higgins MEP, Conor MacLiam & Cllr Richard Boyd Barret to be confirmed

Kilkenny – January 20th
8:45pm in Kytelers Inn
Speakers: Joe Higgins MEP, Conor MacLiam & Cllr Seamus Healy

Wexford – January 21st
8pm in the Wexford Arts Centre
Speakers: Seamus O’Brien, Cllr Richard Boyd Barrett & Joe Higgins MEP

Dublin West – January 24th
Details TBC
Speakers: Joe Higgins MEP & Cllr Richard Boyd Barrett

Dublin North Central – TBC (January 26th or 27th)
Details TBC

Dublin North – January 27th
Details TBC
Speakers: Cllr Clare Daly, Joe Higgins MEP, Cllr Richard Boyd Barrett & Seamus Healy (TBC)

Limerick – February 1st
8pm in the Absolute Hotel
Speakers: Cian Prendiville, Joe Higgins MEP, Cllr Seamus Healy

Dun Laoghaire – February 2nd
Details TBC
Speakers: Cllr. Richard Boyd Barrett, Joe Higgins MEP

Dublin North East – February 3rd
Details TBC

Dublin South Central – February8th
Details TBC
Speakers: Cllr Joan Collins, Joe Higgins MEP

Dublin Mid West – February 9th
Details TBC

Dublin South West – February 10th
Details TBC

Dublin South East – February 10th
Details TBC

Keep checking the ULA website for updates.

Comedian or Nutter? Maoists and Mass Hysteria

2011-01-12T19:19:00.003Z

I've been doing a bit of digging on the public reaction to the Maoist grouping that eventually became the Communist Party of Ireland (Marxist-Leninist) in the early 70s. What I've found so far has been really quite amazing. For a grouping of a 100 or so overly exuberant student radicals, they attracted an unbelievably hysterical public reaction that I can't help but compare to the mood that led to the attacks on Connolly House in the 1930s or to the initial public support for Franco in the Free State. Indeed both their bookshops in Munster (one in Cork, one in Limerick) were attacked by mobs of up to a thousand people, with the tacit support of the reactionary Limerick Labour T.D Stephen Coughlan. To get a taste of just how overblown the reactions to this little Maoist grouping were, look at these examples:

'The Maoists have their plan for destroying our nation. For eliminating the Catholic church...The Communists admit that the church is a very potent power. That is why they are spending huge sums of money on the training of international agitators in the art of attacking the Church in Catholic nations. They have unlimited resources at their disposal for this purpose. Right here in Ireland they probably have some thousands of agitators. The church is under greater attack than you can imagine.'
- Father Luke Delaney, The Kerryman March 14th 1970.

'Children are very impressionable and single-minded. It is all too easy to play on their little sympathies and idealisms, precisely the methods used by our "friends" the Maoists...The leaders of 1916 gave their lives for Irish Freedom. With our lives we must preserve that freedom from all invaders, and under whatever guise they may come.'
- Letter to the Irish Independent March 26th 1970

'Some Kilkenny parents have recently complained that their children have been given copies of Mao Tse Tung's Little Red Book and other communist publications such as the 'Red Patriot'. The parents concerned believe that local left-wing organisers are responsible. They also suspect that an "underground" Maoist cell is developing in Kilkenny City. One mother complained that her young daughter was given a red book by a "bearded" young man and was told that "Communism was a better religion than Catholicism". The young girl concerned was only eleven years old.
***************
Another anxious Kilkenny mother remarked "My two young lads, aged ten and twelve, both had the Red Books. I put them in the dustbin and have forbidden to children ever to bring communist literature into the house again."
***************
The time to stop the distribution of all communist propaganda in Kilkenny is NOW! If something is not done soon by the authorities to put a stop to the extremist activities of red agitators in Kilkenny, then the people of our fair city may find it necessary to administer justice themselves to eliminate the cause of their fears.'
- Munster Express Jan 29th 1971.

I should emphasise that those examples above present a very one-sided story. The attacks on the Limerick and Cork bookshops provoked a reaction from moderate christian groups, journalists and left-wingers in the Labour Party that was just as apalled by those attacks as Luke Delaney et al were by the existence of the Maoists. However, they do serve to show the main concerns of the populist outrage against the Maoists: the perception of the Maoists as anti-clerical, representatives of an 'alien' philosophy and the fear (due to the youth of the IRY, most of whom were students) of the young being targeted. It's in this context that I came across a very interesting letter....

From the Irish Times of January 26th 1970:

'Sir - How blind can a newspaper be? Your page one photograph of January 22nd shows the extent to which Communist infiltration of our country has progressed. Young Red Guards, their leader's name proudly emblazoned on their arms, openly parading the streets of Carlow!'

See below for the offending photograph:

And the article accompanying it:

I came across that letter yesterday and only looked up the photograph an hour ago. The only explanation is that is either another example of the incredible paranoia surrounding the Internationalists / Irish Revolutionary Youth, or the work of a comic genius. Thoughts?

P.S: It seems that the attacks on the Limerick bookshop were to some extent orchestrated by a very sinister group called the 'National Movement'. It would be helpful if anyone had any more info on them.

Zombies and Patriarchy

2011-01-10T10:34:00.000Z

The Walking Dead is probably one of the most ambitous television dramas ever produced. It has movie production values and acting talent that wouldn't be out of place on the big screen. The zombies look fantastic and are unique and faithful to the style of the comic books. I must confess that I love the zombie apocalypse genre, particularly Romero and the 28 Days Later series so I was understandably excited about 'The Walking Dead' and, by and large, it hasn't disappointed.

One of the concerns I had when I first heard about a zombie serial was whether the threat and tension created by hordes of flesh eating corpses would dissipate when they were a constant presence over multiple hour long episodes. Even on the big screen there are very few films where the zombies / infected etc. remain as threatening an hour and a half in. Thankfully, the programme succeeds in creating and maintaining tension. The first half of the first episode is a great example of this. Borrowing from 28 Days Later, our hero wakes up in a hospital bed in a completely deserted building. There are signs of a struggle. A partially chewed up corpse lies in the ward. A padlocked door bears the warning 'Dead Inside' as clawing hands try to push it open in a wonderfully cinematic moment. The tension peaks when the main character must negotiate a darkened stairwell using only matches. Wthout giving anything away, the rest of the series manages to create genuinely tense scenarios like this. Whether it will continue to do this succcessfully in the next series will probably determine whether the show is a laster or enter into a spiralling decline like Lost did when the Others ceased to be a threat in the second series.

Now for the weaknesses. The first is the characters, who, with the exception of Rick and Shane, just aren't particularly interesting. The series so far has opted for doing one episode focused on action followed by one focused on character development and so on. Without fail, it is the latter that have really let the show down. The show's relatively large cast are a mix of archetypes we've seen before alongside a number of utterly banal and forgettable people whose names I can't even be arsed to remember. It isn't a great sign of the writing when you occasionally find yourself looking at your watch hoping that the uninteresting dialogue is going to be cut short by a bunch of ravenous zombies. This could prove to be a fatal weakness. Without an interesting cast of characters, it is difficult to see how TWD will be able to remain strong after dozens of episodes, even if the tension-racheting remains strong.

The second weakness of the show is it's attitude to women. You would think that in a post-apocalyptic zombie holocaust scenario that the division of labour in the family would be somewhat cut across. Er, no. The group of survivors we follow seem deeply committed to family values. The men carry the guns and protect the group while the women watch the children, cook the food and wash the clothes. The whole crux of the show seems to focus on the family, in its most overtly traditional sense. It's interesting to compare this to 28 Days Later where the central theme is the creation of an alternative family after the death of the old one, though it's important to remember that the female characters in that were active, armed and unwilling to play any kind of passive role. Even the 12 year old kills the military veteran villain!

Anyway, maybe I'm being a bit harsh, but let's hope the women get the chance to blow off the heads of a few zombies in Season 2.

United Left Alliance Launch Meeting in Cork

2011-01-06T22:50:00.004Z

The Left Alternative to Cuts, Unemployment and the IMF

Wednesday, January 12th

7.30pm, Metropole Hotel.

Speakers: Joe Higgins MEP (SP)

Cllr Richard Boyd Barrett (People Before Profit)

Cllr Seamus Healy (Workers and Unemployed Action Group Tipperary)

Cllr Mick Barry (SP candidate Cork Nth Central)

Anne Foley (People Before Profit candidate Cork Nth West)

Facts About Islam from an Unlikely Source

2010-12-20T21:38:00.001Z

Cracked.com, a humorous website that produces articles of varying quality has put together a quite sober and reasonable article, '5 Ridiculous Things You Probably Believe About Islam'. I heartily recommend it. Have a look.

RTE Rap Against Rape

2010-12-17T15:02:00.000Z

Thoughts?

BBC Misses the Point Completely: An Update on the Ben Brown Interview

2010-12-15T14:19:00.001Z

Kevin Bakhurst, BBC News Controller has responded to the flood of complaints over Ben Brown's interview with Jody McIntyre, somehow managing to miss the point completely. His full response can be found here.

It is worth going through his arrogant statement in detail, firstly:

'I am aware that there is a web campaign encouraging people to complain to the BBC about the interview, the broad charge being that Ben Brown was being too challenging in it.'

There is no web campaign that I am aware of. Bakhurst seems to be under the impression that only the cabal of revolutionary bloggers that Brown seems to find so terrifying could possibly find fault with the interview. There was no 'campaign'. What happened was really quite simple. The interview annoyed and shocked people who passed it on to other people, who were also annoyed and shocked by it. Blogs, social networking and e-mail ensured that a lot of people saw the interview. The stupidity of the interview itself generated the complaints.

'I have reviewed the interview a few times and I would suggest that we interviewed Mr. McIntyre in the same way that we would have questioned any interviewee in the same circumstances: It was quite a long interview and Mr.MacIntyre was given several minutes of airtime to make a range of points, which he did forcefully; Ben challenged him politely but robustly on his assertions.'

On the latter point Jody handled himself extremely well and proved himself an able spokesman, more than a match for Brown. However, the claim that 'we interviewed Mr.McIntyre in the same way that we would have questioed any interviewee in the same circumstances' is patently false. Had he been a member of the metropolitan police or a Tory spokesman, I have no doubt a different tone would have been taken.

The matter at hand is not Jody's disability but the fact that he is part of a mass movement of students who have been systematically vilified by the kept press. The whole tenor of the interview suggested that the Met would only respond violently if provoked and that Ben Brown was astonished to even admit any other possibility. Where the issue of disability emerges is in Brown's questions like 'Were you rolling towards him?', which made me think for a moment that I was watching Brass Eye. Even when police are caught on camera attacking a disabled person with severely limited mobility, because he is a student, the only possible explanation could be that he was in the midst of some act of violence.

The BBC's attempt to paint those angered by Ben Brown's moronic interview as wooly and oversensitive misses the point completely. What is important about the interview is that it sums up the mentality of the media: Students are violent thugs, the police are defending civil society. This mentality has reached the point where even when police attack a wheelchair-bound protestor, the only logical explanation is that he was a threat to them. After all, the London Metropolitan Police certainly don't have a record of violence or brutality, do they?

The effort of the Tories and the kept press to dehumanise and slander the student movement is unsurprising. They are the first point of resistance to the Tory's insane austerity programme and it is feared that they are going to set an example to society at large. Their response has been to slander them as thugs and vandals, the barbarians at the gates of polite society, to try and divide them from the rest of the population soon to come under the axe of Cameron and Co. Therein lies the limits of this kind of media coverage. The Tory assault on the welfare state will be so sweeping that almost no section of the working (and middle) classes will be left unaffected. When pensioners, NHS staff, council workers and the unemployed begin to mobilise, attempts to dehumanise those resisting the cuts will fail, because the threat to 'society' will be society itself.

Sack Ben Brown

2010-12-14T15:22:00.001Z

For anyone who hasn't seen this disgraceful interview yet:

Go here to register your complaints with the BBC: Sack Ben Brown

Ceol agus Craic

2010-12-05T18:13:00.000Z

In a new feature, stolen from, well, every other blog, I will now post some videos from bands that are worthy of a listen.

Tim Smith's Extra Special Oceanlandworld - Swimming with the Snake

2. McCarthy - Keep an Open Mind or Else

James Dean Bradfield - Red Sleeping Beauty (McCarthy Cover)

Fatima Mansions - Popemobile to Paraguay Live

Audio from the ULA Launch

2010-12-01T14:28:00.001Z

Full recording of ULA launch meeting here

QUB Occupied!

2010-11-30T14:48:00.000Z

Breaking news:

Students have occupied part of Queens University in support of free education. They are demanding to meet with the QUB vice chancellor. Please send messages of support to 075 14 90 24 09.

United Left Alliance: Launching Rally

2010-11-25T15:53:00.000Z

Videos from the Limerick Marxist Reading Group Conference

2010-11-24T20:46:00.001Z

1. Clare Daly Ireland's State Enterprises - The Marxist Response to the McCarthy Recommendations

Clare Daly from limerick marxist on Vimeo.

2. Professor Dave Hill Neoliberal/Neoconservative Capitalist Globalisation, The Current Crisis, and Resisting the Capitalist Class War from Above in Ireland and other countries in Western Europe.

Dave Hill from limerick marxist on Vimeo.

3. Hillel Ticktin Global Crisis and Dependent Economies in the Context of a Declining Capitalism

Hillel Ticktin from limerick marxist on Vimeo.

Many thanks to whoever recorded and uploaded these.

And on a similar note....

2010-11-22T03:16:00.002Z

Click to enlarge

Via Alan Moloney, who has earned himself a spot in the sidebar.

Wow. Other countries have actual journalists?

2010-11-21T16:53:00.003Z

Socialist Party Protest at arrival of IMF Parasites

2010-11-19T01:34:00.001Z

The Guardian

Al Jazeera

Petition in Support of Laura Ashley Strikers

2010-11-16T20:57:00.000Z

There is now a petition you can sign in support of the Laura Ashley strikers available here. I would also suggest looking at the eye-catching leaflet that Mandate have produced here and the Socialist Party articles on the strike here and here

United Left Alliance: Statement of Intent

2010-11-16T14:14:00.001Z

Below is the statement of principles agreed to by the participants in the United Left Alliance, the Socialist Party, TWAG, Declan Bree's group and SWP / PBPA. All in all, I reckon it represents a broad but strong programme that can and will be built upon.

Building a Real Political Alternative

The economic crisis is resulting in an unprecedented onslaught on living standards, spiralling mass unemployment and a dramatic rise in poverty. Meanwhile billions is being taken from working people and given to bankers, builders and international speculators.

The newly formed United Left Alliance (ULA) is opposed to the governments’ bailouts and the slash and burn policies which are only making the crisis worse. In the general election we aim to provide a real alternative to the establishment parties as well as Labour and Sinn Fein, who also accept the capitalist market and refuse to rule out coalition with right wing parties. The approach of a Fine Gael / Labour government in power would not be fundamentally different than this government.

The ULA will be standing candidates throughout the country and we are inviting all people, campaigns and groups that want to fight for real change and who agree with our demands to become part of the Alliance.

The ULA

1. Rejects so-called solutions to the economic crises based on slashing public expenditure, welfare payments and workers' pay. There can be no just or sustainable solution to the crisis based on the capitalist market. Instead we favour democratic and public control over resources so that social need is prioritised over profit.

2. Those elected as part of the alliance will not do any deals or support any coalition with any of the right wing parties particularly Fianna Fail and Fine Gael. We are committed to building a mass left alternative to unite working people, whether public or private sector, Irish or migrant, with the unemployed, welfare recipients, pensioners and students in the struggle to change society.

The ULA has agreed the following key demands:

1. End the bailout of banks and developers.

The ULA says scrap NAMA and end the bailout of the banks and developers. Take the banks, finance houses, major construction companies and development land into democratic public ownership and use them for the benefit of people, not the profit of the few. Democratic public ownership of the banks would guarantee the savings of ordinary bank account holders but would give no commitment to pay the bondholders and financial speculators who helped cause the global crisis.

We want to use resources, including the huge numbers of vacant properties, to provide facilities and social and affordable homes for all, to buy or rent.

Reduce total mortgages and repayments to affordable levels to reflect the real cost of the property and outlaw repossessions/evictions of families from their homes on the basis of inability to pay.

2. Tax the greedy not the needy

Ireland is not a poor country. Massive amounts of wealth were generated during the boom. The problem is that such wealth is in the hands of a tiny superrich minority. We completely reject the notion that all this wealth has suddenly disappeared. It is also the case that many companies, especially multinationals, remain profitable.
The ULA stands for a progressive taxation system where corporation tax on the massive profits made in Ireland would be significantly increased, which together with a steeply progressive income tax would shift the tax burden from working people to big business and the rich.

We also demand a wealth tax on the assets of the rich, increases in capital gains tax and an end to all tax loopholes for the rich.

We oppose all stealth and double taxes including bin charges and plans to introduce water charges, a property tax, or a “household tax”. We oppose the inclusion of the low paid in the tax net.

3. End the jobs crisis

The ULA condemns the complete failure of the government and the private sector to preserve or create jobs. Their policies are deflationary and are making the jobs crisis worse.

We call for a real social development programme that could create hundreds of thousands of jobs building necessary infrastructure like public transport, green energy projects, broadband, child care, schools, hospitals, health centres and other community facilities.

We oppose plans to sell off state companies. Instead these companies should be used as the vehicle for job creation.

End the reliance on the private sector, use democratic public ownership of wealth and natural resources and the banks to provide jobs by the launching a state programme of industrial development and innovation to build the productive capacity of the economy. Take the Corrib Gas Field into public ownership.
Reduce the working week without loss of pay and create tens of thousands of jobs by sharing out the work.
No to compulsory work for dole schemes or fake jobs. We demand real jobs and a reversal of all the cuts in social welfare and benefit payments.

4. Reverse the cuts - Defend public services

The ULA says end the profiteering in health care. We stand for a properly funded and resourced public health system, free at the point of access and paid for through a progressive tax system. No privatisation of health services and end all subsidies to private care. No co-location of private hospitals on public hospital lands. We demand proper state funding for a democratically run and secular education system, free for all from early childhood to university. For more teachers to reduce class sizes and special needs and language support so the needs of all children are met. End all subsidies for private schools. No re-introduction of third level fees, pay students a living grant instead. No to the cuts in social welfare payments or pensions and no to the cutting, taxing or means testing of child benefit. For a mass campaign by the trade union movement and the communities to reverse the cuts in public services.

We want real reform of our public services. Its time to stop copying failed private sector practices. We want an end to inflated salaries, bonuses and expenses for top public servants and politicians. We want a cap on salaries and full public scrutiny of public spending. Public services should be run democratically with the full involvement of the workers, the service users and the wider community.

5. Equality for all

The ULA supports equality for all and the elimination of all forms of discrimination based on gender, race, nationality, religion, sexual orientation, disability or age. We support a campaign by the trade unions to unionise all workers and for the legal right to trade union recognition. End all anti-asylum seeker and anti-immigrant laws and bias by the state. Give asylum seekers the right to work and give both asylum seekers and migrant workers the same rights as all other workers, to help fight "the race to the bottom" in pay and conditions. We support full equality for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people, including the right to marry for same sex couples.

6. Protect the environment

Despite the rhetoric, environmental destruction is continuing apace. We call for major state investment in developing renewable energy. Through public ownership and democratic planning, the economy can be redirected onto a sustainable path.

We need real reform of our planning system, so that people's needs and environmental protection come before the profits of developers. We call for major investment in community facilities, waste management, recycling facilities and public transport.

We are opposed to incinerators as a solution to the waste problem because they pose serious health risks. We call for a proper integrated waste management plan, including a drastic reduction of packaging combined with a serious approach to recycling and composting.

7. Build a real left alternative in Ireland and Europe

The formation of the ULA is part of a process across Europe and internationally of the development of movements and organisations to fight the attacks on workers, the unemployed and the poor and to fight for a new vision for society.

We are opposed to the dictates of the EU and its neo liberal policies of curbing public spending and promoting austerity. The policy of driving down public spending to meet EU imposed targets will destroy jobs and lead to misery for workers, the unemployed and the poor. Workers did not create the debt and should not have to pay for it.

We are committed to building solidarity with workers across Europe to forge a new direction which puts the needs of workers and the unemployed before the greed of speculators and profiteers.

An important part of this is the urgent need to reclaim and rebuild the trade unions and to mobilise the power of workers though mass action. The approach of Social Partnership has left workers defenceless and has led to a massive transfer of wealth from workers to employers and must be scrapped.

Our elected TDs will give full support to those unions and workers who oppose the Croke Park deal and will use the Dail to raise the real issues that affect ordinary working people.

The Tea Party

2010-11-15T18:12:00.002Z

Anyone paying attention to American politics will have watched with a mix of horror and fascination the rise of the 'Tea Party'. A somewhat incoherent mix of libertarians, small government republicans and far-right demagogues like Glenn Beck united by the vague rhetoric of patriotism in opposition to Obama. I think it's fairly important that people look beyond the somewhat moronic image the movement presents itself with and look at the underlying economic factors that are driving the Tea Partiers and where they might be going. To that end, people should check out the following links.

Firstly, a fantastic, albeit somewhat long article from Portsmouth SP: here

Secondly, from George Monbiot, exposing the influence of big business: here

Finally, the highlights of a debate between Socialist Alternative (CWI USA) and a Tea Party speaker: here

Further thoughts on Garda brutality at Dublin Demonstration

2010-11-15T14:57:00.001Z

He's not mental, he just stubbed his toe

Now that the media and the USI leadership have been knocked down a peg or two by the emergence of video evidence of Garda brutality at the national tuition fees demo, it's important to take a step back and question the signficance of the Garda show of force on the demonstration.

What was new about the events of that day was not the type of protest employed, but the reaction to them. Take the sit-down protest outside the department of finance. About two years ago, during the last major anti-fees demonstration, about 300 of us did the exact same thing outside the Dáil. Now while there was a difference in numbers (there were close to a thousand at the dept. of finance protest) the sit-down protest at the previous demonstration was entirely uneventful. We literally just sat down for an hour or so while the Gardaí stood there, more to control traffic than to control the protest.

The other event of the day was the occupation of the dept. of finance. Again, this is now new. A few weeks before the 2008 national demo, myself and about 15/16 other UCC students occupied the president's office. We couldn't get the door shut, so we sent out a press statement and waited for an hour and a half before voting to leave rather than be arrested (by this point a Garda was standing with a pair of handcuffs ready). We generated a bit of media attention and buzz around campus and I even managed to make my 12 o'clock lecture without the need of a daring escape from Anglesea St. Garda Station. On that same day, an occupation was organised in Paul Gogarty's constituency office in Dublin. This ended up being a bit more of a confrontation with the door being barricaded successfully and the Gardaí breaking in. The occupiers were arrested and later there was a slightly ludicrous attempt to press charges. Though I think that all this had a lot more to do with Paul Gogarty kicking up a hissy fit and overreacting than anything else, after all, he has form.

What is signficant therefore about the Dublin demo was not the actions of the protestors, but those of the Gardaí. Why has there been a sea-change in their reactions to protest? Come here to me drew some interesting comparisons with the 1960s. The confrontations between Gardaí and students, housing activists etc. in the 1960s which often led to broken noses and bloodied faces were largely a result of the fact that the 1960s Gardaí, like other police forces in Europe, had only been trained to deal with riots. As such when confronted with occupations, mass demos etc., which were an entirely new phenomenon in Ireland, they reacted the only way they had been trained to.

However, the Gardaí of 2010 are a modern police force and are hardly unprepared for demonstrations. Actually, for a more relevant comparison, you could do worse than to look at Britain in the 1980s. Police brutality and heavy-handedness in those years led to rioting like in Toxteth and Brixton. At the same time, the role of the police became more like that of a paramilitary body than a law-enforcement agency, as seen most clearly in mass confrontations like the battle of Orgreave. This was not a coincidence. The Thatcher-led Tory government were preparing for the most savage programme of cutbacks and privatisation in modern British history. They knew well that there would be mass resistance and as such, made sure that the police would be like a domestic army to put down the inevitable rebellions that would follow from their policies. The view of the police as an 'army of occupation' which was felt in areas like Brixton was not far from the truth.

In Ireland the situation today is not entirely different. The next three budgets will mean fiscal savagery of an almost unfathomable magnitude and, following from that, mass resistance both in industry and in working-class communities. We should not be surprised by the actions of the Gardaí at the anti-fees demo. The only surprise is that this hasn't come sooner. The actions of the Gardaí in Dublin may simply be a sign of things to come. In the coming months and years, their role as a quasi-military force used to protect the ruling class at a time when it's authority is in peril will come more and more to the fore. As Gene Kerrigan writes in the Sindo:

'Students who had their heads bloodied at the anti-fees protest last Wednesday shouldn't take it personally. The tactics used by gardai seem to represent a government statement of intent, addressed to the general public.'

Militant Rap

2010-11-15T14:54:00.001Z

Bout time

United Left Alliance: An Update

2010-11-12T09:52:00.001Z

From Socialist Party website

The newly established United Left Alliance, which will be publicly launched at a rally in the Ashling Hotel , Dublin on Friday 26 November, involves the Socialist Party, the People Before Profit Alliance, the South Tipperary Workers and Unemployed Action Group and the Independent Socialist group of Declan Bree in Sligo.

The ULA is a joint slate or alliance of candidates that will put forward a real left alternative in the general election and challenge the austerity and capitalist consensus amongst all the parties in the Dail, Fianna Fail, Fine Gael, the Greens but also clearly including Labour and Sinn Fein.

The ULA flows from a process of discussions initiated some time ago by the Socialist Party. It is a necessary and principled attempt at serious co-operation between left groups and while we will have to see how it goes over the next months, the Socialist Party hopes that the ULA will be an important first step in the formation of a new mass party for working class people, based on socialist policies.

The ULA could possibly stand up to 20 candidates in the general election. This will include many who will seriously challenge to win TD positions, most obviously Seamus Healy in South Tipperary, Cllr Joan Collins in Dublin South Central, Richard Boyd Barrett in Dun Laoghaire, and clearly the Socialist Party will be going all out to try to get Joe Higgins MEP and Councillors Clare Daly and Mick Barry elected in Dublin North and Cork North Central respectively.

As of now ULA candidates will stand in five cities, with Declan Bree also standing in Sligo, Seamus O’Brien (PBPA/SWP) standing in Wexford and Cian Prendiville of the Socialist Party standing in Limerick.
In pushing for the establishment for a slate/alliance, the Socialist Party argued that it was very important to try to get a fraction of genuinely left TDs elected at the next opportunity. Given that this crisis will continue to wreck devastation for the foreseeable future and the likelihood that Labour will be in power putting the boot into working class people while ICTU sit idly by, three or four left TDs could become a very important focal point for organising struggle against austerity and for the launching of a new party of the working class to fill the political vacuum.

The outstanding role that Joe Higgins played in national politics when it was difficult for the left during the boom years is on the one hand a model, but on the other also shows the massive potential that will exist in this unprecedented crisis to use the Dail as platform.

The ULA was primarily established on the basis of agreement on a political programme, agreement on specific candidates that were credible as well as how other potential candidates could be agreed. There was an agreement on a democratic and consensual approach to decision making and establishing structures of the ULA.

In the initial discussions which only involved the Socialist Party and the PBPA, there was debate and disagreement between us, particularly with the SWP, on the issue of whether an alliance should explicitly advocate socialist policies and socialism as the solution to the crisis. The Socialist Party did not agree with the SWP’s view that socialist policies would put people off from voting for candidates or from getting involved in a left alliance.

We felt it was very unfortunate that this argument was being put forward at precisely the time when there is emerging, a new interest and need for socialist policies because this is a crisis of the capitalist system itself. We demonstrated that Joe Higgins got more than 50,000 votes while being one of the most identifiable socialists in the country with radical and socialist policies. Socialism was advocated in his leaflets that went into every home in Dublin.

This debate should continue on the left in a fraternal atmosphere as it is of crucial importance. We are partly in favour of building a new left party because the likes of Labour have sold-out. But why have parties like Labour sold-out?

The diminishing and ultimate collapse of any socialist outlook and perspective meant that Labour just succumbed to the pressure of the establishment. If a new left movement isn’t rooted in a socialist outlook that wants to break definitively with capitalism, it too will ultimately fail, regardless of whether it has TDs or councillors.

If the left believes that policies like taking over the wealth of society and using it in a planned and productive way are necessary to create jobs, then it makes sense to advocate them and try to win people to these ideas rather than obscure the solution.

We agree that the left must present its ideas skilfully but we also have a duty to tell people the truth and advocate socialist policies, regardless of the criticism from the establishment. This is because objectively they are the only policies that address and can overcome the reasons for the crisis. The fact that the majority of people don’t yet agree with that doesn’t mean we should obscure this necessity, quite the opposite. It shows the need to skilfully advocate why socialist policies are necessary. We hope that through fraternal discussion that the ULA becomes very confident that working class people and the young people now growing up in this crisis will see through spin and grasp the necessity to advocate an explicitly socialist alternative to the capitalist parties.

Even though there wasn’t agreement on the need for an explicitly socialist programme, the Socialist Party felt we should continue to try to establish an alliance as that would be a step forward for working class people. We fully support the programme that the ULA has agreed and it can be read on the Socialist Party’s website. But the Socialist Party, while advocating the ULA programme will also exercise its right to also put forward our own socialist programme in our own election material etc.

The Socialist Party also pushed that the ULA should be something that isn’t just geared towards existing groups. If it is to become something more, it needs to be open for any individual to get involved in it and to have a say. People can register to become a supporter and activist in the ULA, and hopefully the supporters register may be a step towards a membership if there is an interest in the challenge that the ULA is mounting in the months ahead. We would encourage anyone who wants to get involved to get in touch, or better still to come along to the ULA Launch Rally in the Ashling Hotel, Dublin on 26 November!

Dates for your Diary

2010-11-11T13:08:00.001Z

Smash the Budget Rallly! Organised by the IWU. December 8th 5pm, Patrick's Bridge.

Also, Solidarity Books, perhaps tied only with The Spailpín Fánach as the mecca of the Cork left, are holding a series of Winter Talks on various historical topics of interest to socialists. So far these have included Dr. Donal O'Drisceoil on Tadgh Barry and Revolutionary Cork, Brian Hanley on The Lost Revolution and Conor Kostick on Labour militancy during the war of indepedence. Being abroad at the moment I've had to miss these but I would strongly recommend people try and make it to the last two talks which are:

8pm, Tuesday, 16th November
Kropotkin – The Anarchist Prince - Jim McLaughlin

Jim McLaughlin lectured in political Geography in UCC for many years. His current research interests are in Political Geography of Race and Racism, Irish Emigration, Irish minority populations Identity politics and ethnonationalism, Gypsies, Travellers and nomadism, Latin American studies History of the social sciences. He has been widely published. He will be talking about the ideas of Peter Kropotkin a Russian anarchist whose ideas were extremely influential well beyond anarchist and radical circles.

8pm, Tuesday, 23rd November
The Land War - Fin Dwyer
Fin Dwyer is a Dublin based archaeologist and the editor of the popular Irish History Podcasts. He will be speaking on the land war and the great movement of people that this represented, discussing the context, tactics and results of this key struggle.

Finally, any Dubliners reading this should make the effort to get to the Fund raiser in aid of striking Laura Ashley strikers on Thursday, November 11th at 8pm in Slattery's on Capel Street.

What's next for dystopian Ireland?

2010-11-11T12:41:00.002Z

Via Brian Greene:

Raise money for the Laura Ashley Strikers

2010-11-10T15:51:00.000Z

Fund raiser in aid of striking Laura Ashley strikers on Thursday, November 11th at 8pm in Slattery's on Capel Street. I encourage anyone who can to attend.

Garda Brutality Exposes Right-wing Media and Pathetic USI Leadership

2010-11-10T14:10:00.005Z

RTE News - Garda Brutality

Finally, the footage which has been doing the rounds online has made it onto the news, showing clearly the brutality of the Gardaí. Eddie McCabe, in an excellent article available here pretty much sums things up. There is also an excellent article at Come here to Me! which put things in historical perspective. To that end, I'm putting up a few pictures from my research into 1960s republicanism to complement the CHTM article.

March 1969 United Irishman


March 69 UI


June 69 UI, The paper used Garda brutality and draconian legislation like the Special Powers act to depict the Southern state as brutal, authoritarian and even fascistic.

March 69 UI, From article 'Defence Tactics for Demonstrators'

Engels, Housing and Negative Equity

2010-11-08T18:36:00.002Z

'Here we see clearly that what at an earlier historical period was the basis of relative wellbeing for the workers, namely, the combination of agriculture and industry, the ownership of house, garden and field, and certainty of a dwelling place, is becoming today, under the rule of large-scale industry, not only the worst hindrance to the worker, but the greatest misfortune for the whole working-class, the basis for an unexampled depression of wages below their normal level, and not only for seperate districts and branches but for the whole country'

-Frederick Engels, 'The Housing Question' c.1872

Socialist Party Material

2010-11-05T16:31:00.001Z

Irish Times on Dublin Housing Action June 1968

2010-11-05T16:13:00.001Z

Interesting interview with Pronsias De Rossa, at the peak of DHAC's popularity. DHAC was one of the most successful of the social agitation campaigns launched by the Republican movement under the Goulding leadership, gaining a large following in Dublin, Cork and Derry.

More information here: Wikipedia and here at Cedar Lounge

Socialist Youth Posters and Leaflets

2010-11-05T13:27:00.001Z